Tag Archives: zionism

(First published at Israelnationalnews.com)

It certainly seems like last week’s preliminary Knesset vote declaring sovereignty over most of Judea and Samaria was ill-timed. It was an opposition maneuver meant to embarrass the government, especially considering that US Vice-President Vance was in Israel at the time. Probably a better time would have been any other time in the last 58 years, including last month, last year, five years ago, and next week. If anything, the move set back our ability to exercise Israel law over Judea and Samaria, as it moved the Americans from a position of studied neutrality to vehement objection. It was a cynical move at the wrong time.

That being said, we have to ask ourselves, if last week was the wrong time, when is the right time? Most often people who remonstrate against a worthy deed by saying it is the “wrong time” never quite articulate when would be the right time. It is a classic politician’s (and occasionally, rabbi’s) trick to avoid making tough decisions by embracing something wholeheartedly but then failing to implement it out of cowardice or other concerns, often described as “the big picture.” It works well, and we should ask our government, many of whose leaders have been promising sovereignty over Judea and Samaria for decades – especially during election season – when is the right time?

In a sense, it is analogous to successive Israeli governments publicly proclaiming the imperative of all nations recognizing Jerusalem as Israel’s capital but then privately urging foreign governments (such as the United States) not to do it.

What does sovereignty mean? It is unwise and unjust to keep territories and its resident population in legal limbo for more than half-century. More than 500,000 residents do not deserve to have to seek army approval for construction issues. Worse, a reluctance to declare sovereignty over Judea and Samaria nurtures the fantasy that this land – the heartland of Israel, after all – is not really ours, and that one day it will be the foundation of a Palestinian state. We keep that diabolical dream alive by playing semantic games, failing to promote our own interests, and cowering before the dictates of even friendly allies who, it must be said, have their own interests like all nations have their own interests.

What would be the effect of defying the United States and the world and passing the Knesset law in its second and third readings? We should distinguish between the practical and the political effects.

The immediate response of all nations including the US would be non-recognition of Judea and Samaria as part of the State of Israel. Much would be made of that, too much. Historians could remind us that when Jordan annexed Judea and Samaria in 1950 – necessitating the change of that country’s name from Transjordan to Jordan – until two countries on the globe recognized that annexation, Britain and Pakistan. Only two. Yet, did anyone in the world doubt that Jordan was the claimant and that the land was part of Jordan? Of course not. It is a semantic and legal game.

For that matter, Israel formally annexed Jerusalem in June 1967, then cementing its status as part of Israel and our eternal, undivided capital in 1980. How many countries have recognized that annexation? Who cares? Practically, Jerusalem is Israel, which in legal terms is considered a de facto annexation. To the extent that we tolerate those nations which trample on Israeli sovereignty in Jerusalem by maintaining consulates that function as embassies to the Palestinians is shameful, and an indictment of our government for several generations. Why doesn’t the government shutter these consulates? Apparently, it is never the right time.

Consider, as well, Israel’s annexation of the Golan Heights in 1981. The UN Security Council declared it “null and void.” No country recognized it until the United States did in 2019. Who cares? Does anyone doubt that the Golan is part of Israel? It is worthwhile to add parenthetically that Israel’s annexation of the Golan did not stop Israel’s government in the 1990’s from negotiating a possible surrender of this vital land to Syria despite such negotiations violating Israeli law.

There are other cases of countries across the world declaring sovereignty over specific parcels of land, and other nations either recognize it or do not, and life goes on. What is missing in terms of international recognition is gained through clarity, an expression of national will, and a desire for some measure of finality in a nation’s borders.

Those are practical considerations. The political and diplomatic factors receive the most attention. Several Israeli governments have begun the process of declaring sovereignty and then abruptly aborted them. PM Netanyahu’s governments had several opportunities to declare sovereignty when Trump declared himself an agnostic on the question, and flubbed them all, caving in for one reason or another. It seems clear that our reluctance to apply Israeli law to much of Judea and Samaria is rooted in a fear of what the Americans will say or do. The threats – in line with President Trump’s style – are blustery, thunderous, and vague, including, perhaps, loss of support at the UN, boycott of weapons sales, etc., and all, like most of Trump’s threats to sundry countries across the world, unlikely in the extreme to materialize. Will the US turn on Israel for declaring sovereignty over land that is in our possession for almost sixty years and is an integral part of our biblical patrimony? How that aligns with American interests is a mystery.

If anything, putting another nail in the coffin of Palestinian statehood is in the interest of Israel, the United States, and what passes for the moderate Arab world. A Palestinian state would constitute a threat to us and to much of the Arab world, and a new and even larger terror base than was Gaza. It should be obvious to us that any country that opposes our sovereignty over Judea and Samaria because such is perceived as the death knell for an independent Palestine does not have our best interests at heart.

Do we? Does the Israeli government have the capacity to act in our national interest without our hand being held tight by our greatest patron? Based on past experience, the answer is no – except if we insist and we demonstrate clearly to the US why this is in our and their interest.

To the Americans, sovereignty over Judea and Samaria takes a back seat to expanding the Abraham Accords to include Saudi Arabia who, along with other countries, apparently threaten to walk away from negotiations if a pathway to an independent Palestine is not created. But such is not in our national interest, and if we don’t assert our national interests forcefully, and explain cogently why, we will find ourselves under enormous pressure to midwife a Palestinian state into existence with eastern Jerusalem as its capital.

For sure, it is incomprehensible at this point to see how Israeli society would ever agree to such a situation, which would be both a reward for past terror and an incentive for future terror. Now the political establishment is largely against it but our leaders can be as fickle as the people they lead. PM Netanyahu was a sworn opponent of Palestinian statehood, then supported it, and now opposes it again. The opposition leaders keep their fingers to the wind to see which way the public weathervane blows. In truth, only those whose commitment to the land of Israel is rooted in religious doctrine are inflexible and will remain implacably opposed to again partitioning the land of Israel. All others, whose world views are based on politics, history, security, and the like, will necessarily be more malleable. Under pressure, they will succumb and then rationalize it quite eloquently.

If we do not declare sovereignty over Judea and Samaria, the day will soon come when a Palestinian state is back on the global agenda, and vigorously. We must preempt that. One way to do it sensibly is to make it part of the negotiations on the Abraham Accords.

Let’s face it: The Abraham Accords is mostly about trade and business, in other words, money. That is the American interest, more than a Trump Nobel Peace Prize. (After all, how prestigious can such an award be if Yasser Arafat was a recipient?) Our peace treaties are quite similar. Neither Egypt nor Jordan has maintained an ambassador in Israel for several years. Relatively few Israelis visit those countries, and even fewer Egyptians and Jordanians visit Israel. Business aside, these treaties and the Abraham Accords engender an absence of war, itself quite valuable, but not the type of peace that exists between countries with warm relations and shared values. Yes, a cold peace is better than a hot war, but what if the cold peace eventually paves the road to a scorching hot war because we have allowed ourselves to be lulled into complacency?

We erred in not annexing Judea, Samaria, and Gaza decades ago, and we have paid a terrible price in life and blood for that neglect, which has also whetted the appetite of our enemies that they can ultimately wear us down and destroy us. Arabs who live there need not become citizens; there are tens of millions of people who live in the United States who are not citizens. We need not twist ourselves like a pretzel trying to find the right legal formulation.

A rapprochement with Saudi Arabia is not worth it if the price is a Palestinian state, the redivision of Jerusalem, and/or a repudiation of our rights and claims to Judea, Samaria, and our eternal capital. After all, Trump cherishes agreements, ceremonies, and deals far more than substance, but we have to live with the substance. Thus, our soldiers can be killed during a “cease fire,” which again goes into effect when the shooting stops, and then when the shooting continues and stops again. It is a fantasy to think that Hamas will disarm and depart on its own, and an even deadlier fantasy to think that the United States or any Arab countries will go to war in Gaza to do it.

We have to live in reality. Part of reality is defining our national interests and pursuing them sedulously. The reaction to our declaration of sovereignty over Judea and Samaria is likely to be quite similar to the reaction to the US recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital eight years ago (which was then followed by a handful of other nations). That is, predictions that the heavens will collapse, the Arab street across the Middle East will explode, and the region will descend into war.

The reality was otherwise. The reality was some public handwringing from a few countries, followed by … nothing. The dogs bark and the caravan moves on. We are not needy beggars at the trough of world recognition. We are a generation that has been blessed to return to our ancient homeland, as promised in the Bible, a generation of dedicated warriors and fighters who have been given nothing by the world on a silver platter.

It is time we act like it.

(First published at Israelnationalnews.com)

Why does so much of the world hate us so much?

It is a question for the ages. The most superficial and disingenuous of our detractors claim that today it is because of the war in Gaza, the (outrageously false) allegations of genocide, starvation, and torture, all of which blithely and maliciously ignores that Hamas attacked us on October 7, 2023, raped, murdered and ravaged our people and homes, holds and tortures the hostages, and still clings to its fantasy of destroying Israel and murdering every Jew in the world.

A good question to ask these detractors – including those nations like France, Britain, Spain, Canada, and others now jumping on the derailed train of Palestinian statehood – is: when Hamas avows to destroy Israel, what part of that do you not understand? This recognition of something non-existent – should we condemn Britain for shielding the Loch Ness monster? – is both farcical and cynical. It recalls Arafat’s vacuous declaration of statehood in 1988. There was a Palestinian state in Gaza, run by Hamas. They did not use the instruments of statehood to better the lives of their voters but used the billions of dollars provided them by Qatar, Turkey, and Western countries to construct a complex terror infrastructure that can murder Jews and advance Hamas’ desire to obliterate the Jewish state.

For all their sophistication, these nations today reflect the modern face of Jew hatred. They do not hold Israel to a double standard but to impossible standards, standards fabricated only for us. These standards include the unprecedented obligation to feed your enemy during wartime, the directive to conduct a war without killing enemy civilians, the utter disregard of Hamas’ use of civilians as shields including embedding their terror infrastructure within the civilian population, the rejection of the use of disproportionate force (the typical way wars are won is by the application of disproportionate force by the eventual victor), the refusal to evacuate Gazan refugees to safer habitats (as is their right under international law), the distinction made between a government and the people who elected it, and the lack of any demand that Hamas surrender, which is often the way a defeated party concedes a lost cause.

Instead, these countries, which deem themselves cultured, refined, and in the vanguard of Western civilization, create impossible standards that no sane country would follow, and then seek to reward our enemy with statehood. And if a Palestinian state would then use its newfound independence to attack Israel, I can hear the world faintly (and cynically) saying “oops.” And if G-d forbid Israel is overrun, they will say “double oops,” and veer to a one-state delusion in which Jews live under Arab rule.

That is genuine, unvarnished hatred of Jews and Israel, regardless of their empty protestations of good will and love of peace. Every time the world cries “starvation” and “genocide,” our leaders would do well not negotiating, explaining, or conceding, but just  keep reiterating “free our hostages,” “let Hamas surrender,” and “Europe, admit Gazan refugees.” We should be saying that over and over, rather than weakening our war effort and strengthening our enemies and their supporters. And if we won the war, and Hamas was utterly defeated in Gaza, the entire dialogue with these countries would change.

Still, what is the source of this relentless hatred? It is not the existence of Israel, because as the Holocaust reminds us, they also hated us when there was no Israel. They hated us when they called us “rootless cosmopolitans,” a danger to civilization, and hate us now that there is a Jewish state, and still call us a danger to civilization. What gives?

A number of reasons present.

First, the Muslim takeover of Europe. Europe as a civilization is dying, besieged by Muslim immigrants with a culture and value system that is unassimilable, condescends to Europe’s self-image as enlightened, and perceives Europe as ripe for Islamizing. Every country now supporting the creation of a Palestinian state has been victimized by mass Islamic terrorist attacks. Their leaders are scurrying to save their societies, but time and numbers are against them. A Britain where for years the most popular boy’s name is Mohammad will not for long be a supporter of Israel or benevolent to its own Jewish population. France, Germany, Spain, and other countries are not far behind.

Second, all these countries that are suddenly advocating for a Palestinian are governed by leftist parties. France, Spain, Britain, Canada (even Germany, which has a right-leaning government but whose leftist party gives it a majority in the Bundestag) are all ruled by leftist, secular, progressives. Several of those countries had right-wing, pro-Israel governments until recently. Who is not jumping on this tendentious bandwagon? Poland and Hungary (also, neither of whom admit Muslim immigrants), Greece, Italy, and other countries that are ruled by right-wing governments. Canada’s last right-wing government supported Israel, Italy’s last left-wing government was antagonistic. It is as simple as politics.

And make no mistake about it: if Kamala Harris had defeated Donald Trump, the United States would be standing alongside Europe in its effort to carve up and dismantle the Jewish state. Senator Tim Kaine, Hillary Clinton’s running mate, opined recently that the United States committed itself to a Palestinian state in 1947 (!), and has failed to deliver on its promise, obviously oblivious to the Arabs’ rejection of that Partition Plan including the war launched against Israel in 1948 and several times thereafter.

What is it about left-wing, secular, progressive governments that they find such fault with Israel? The answer is that Israel stands for everything they reject. They reject nationalism and they repudiate religion, and Israel is a Jewish state, indeed the Jewish nation-state. Double whammy. They reject the Bible as a source of anything, they reject truth as a fixed concept, they reject morality as an objective entity. Everything about Israel will bother them. Then, throw in their embrace of the fallacy that Israel is a white, colonialist state – Israel is actually majority non-white as these racial bean counters would see it and one cannot possibly colonize its own land – and this endless, unsatiable enmity persists and grows stronger.

If you ask, what about the dozens of Muslim countries in the world that are founded on their version of religion and nationalism, why doesn’t that bother these progressives? The answer is, see reason one.

This secular progressive ideology afflicts many leftist Israelis as well and they struggle to articulate what right we have to this land. And many of these are the same Jews who – for the first time in Jewish history – have joined the blood libel against their own people and parrot the accusations of genocide and starvation.

Third, Europe is in the last stages of purging itself of any residue of Holocaust guilt. Germany may have been the prime mover of the Holocaust but there is no European country that is not stained with the blood of six million Jews, either through acts of commission or omission. That is why Holocaust imagery is so rampant in discussing the war in Gaza. Israel is committing “genocide,” the word coined to describe the murder of Jews during the Holocaust; Israel has turned Gaza into a “concentration camp; Israel is intentionally “starving” innocent Gazans, you know, like the Nazis did to the Jews in the ghettos and concentration camps; and any attempt to relocate Gazans out of the war zone in which they live – out of the territory which has now been mostly reduced to rubble – is termed “ethnic cleansing,” you know, like the Nazis did to the Jews.

The Holocaust weighed heavily on European consciences. That burden started to lighten after the Six Day War, and when the Palestinian statehood movement was created shortly thereafter – a way of destroying Israel not through war but through “human rights, self-determination, freedom” and other fine-sounding nostrums – Holocaust guilt swiftly receded. Of course, combining those worthy values with terror and violence, they assumed, would make an unstoppable winning combination. That is where we are today – we are expected to provide every possible human right to our enemies in order to facilitate their murdering us.

Holocaust guilt is gone, and it is aided by Europe’s unquenchable thirst to see Israelis as Nazis, which not only assuages their guilt but leads many to conclude that we had it coming to us. Thus, they want to believe that Jews would wantonly starve and murder innocent people, which is why Hamas’ blood libel has gained enormous currency across the world, and so rapidly.

Fourth, and probably most importantly, we are living the biblical notion of “a people that dwells alone and is not reckoned among the nations” (Bamidbar 23:9). We are different, a nation apart. As a nation, we too are unassimilable but we do not spread mayhem and violence across the globe. This hatred of us is irrational because it is self-destructive to the haters, but it is also ultimately inexplicable. It wells up from some unknown source in order to remind us that while we are set apart in order to better mankind, to bring G-d’s truth and morality to all, we nevertheless have our own destiny. Our history has a purpose.

What bothers them most – and they could not articulate it – is that we are experiencing the realization of all the biblical prophecies. The prophets warned frequently about our impending exile and destruction because of our sins but then assured us repeatedly of our eventual return to the land of Israel and Jewish sovereignty thereon.

That is what we are living through today with all the vicissitudes, the wars, the terror, the hatred, the miracles, and the rebirth. This must confound them and give them no rest because it undermines every progressive idea and shatters every secular shibboleth. It should not be surprising that Operation Rising Lion – the swift and miraculous reversal to Iran’s nuclear program designed to destroy us – was quickly followed by accusations against us of genocide and starvation and the desperate need for a Palestinian state. It does not matter which terrorist thugs lead it or what they want to do with it. Its most important feature is that it can function as a brake on the fulfillment of Jewish destiny.

We have so much to offer the world, which in fact is starving. As Amos the prophet intoned (8:11) several millennia ago, “Behold, the days are coming, says the Lord G-d, that I will send a famine in the land, not a famine of bread, nor a thirst for water, but of hearing the words of G-d.” Western culture is decadent and Western societies are collapsing, disinclined to reproduce, unwilling to fight for its survival. And so, they hate us and attack us, and find therein some purpose, a cause, however corrupt and venal.

That will be to their everlasting shame. As for us, proud of our heritage and confident in our destiny and the divine promises to us, we should not falter or fumble, hesitate or stumble, but march enthusiastically to our destiny, reclaiming and rebuilding every part of our land, from the river to the sea, imbuing it with holiness and Torah, and awaiting the final redemptive act from Above.