Somaliland and Venezuela 

(First published at Israelnationalnews.com)

Like the two least popular kids in high school befriending each other, Israel and Somaliland recently established diplomatic relations, to the usual handwringing from our adversaries. Halfway across the world, the United States kidnapped Venezuelan dictator Nicolas Maduro and his wife and brought them to the US to stand trial for drug smuggling and other crimes.

Much of the world is unhappy about the latter although there is not much they can do about it except gripe. The United Nations is feckless except for its routine denunciations of Israel, and the US veto in the UN Security Council precludes that body taking any practical steps. Even the General Assembly will be muted because of the nations’ fear of inciting President Trump’s wrath against them.

There are already mass protests in the United States and globally against the abduction, notwithstanding that it should be difficult to muster any sympathy for a mass murdering, drug smuggling, human trafficking dictator. But then again, many of these same protesters are ardent supporters of Hamas and violently anti-Israel.

We need not speculate how the world would react if Israel ever tried such a stunt – because we already have. Every incursion into our neighbor’s territory in our own defense (Lebanon, Syria, Qatar, Iran) is immediately denounced as a violation of international law, regardless of circumstances or provocation. And when Israel did kidnap Adolph Eichmann from Argentina in May 1960 and to try him in Israel for war crimes, Israel was denounced by the UN (UNSC Resolution 138) for this “violation of the sovereignty” of Argentina that caused “international friction” for which Israel was urged to make “appropriate reparation.” The resolution passed unanimously, with American support, although the Soviet Union and Poland abstained. The resolution did acknowledge and refused to condone the “odious crimes” of which Eichmann was charged.

Are there lessons that we can derive from both these incidents – Israel’s recognition of Somaliland and the US seizure of Maduro? One lesson for us would be to act more and talk less. Days after the attack, there is still no mention of US or Venezuelan casualties. Another, and the primary lesson, is that we have to better learn how to advance our national interests by making daring decisions after rationally assessing all options and consequences rather than being perpetually reactive.

Accordingly, in retrospect, it is surprising that we did not recognize Somaliland until now. Somaliland, a territory on the horn of Africa almost eight times our size, has never been part of neighboring Somalia and had long fought them (primarily a struggle of clans) until declaring its independence in 1991. Somaliland is a Muslim country that sought friendly relations with Israel, as opposed to Somalia which has always boycotted us and has rebuffed our outreach for more than a half century. And now Somaliland offers Israel friendship, a military base that is in close proximity to Yemen and its Houthi rebels, as well as a possible locale for resettlement of a hostile Gazan population. Win, win, win.

Now that Somaliland’s diplomatic isolation has ended, perhaps other countries will follow suit. Leaving its land in diplomatic limbo for more than seventy years sounds ridiculous. But we foolishly do the same thing.

Israel has never been proactive in promoting our interests. For well over fifty years, we have allowed the status of Judea, Samaria, and Gaza to remain disputed, never declaring sovereignty or even staking a formal claim. Instead, we tolerated this ambiguity to our detriment, negotiating agreements based on fantasies that facilitated the rise of hostile forces with subsequent torrents of terror and wild claims to statehood. That failure is on us and our leadership.

Innovative ideas are usually kicked down the road, with decisions often delayed “until the Prime Minister returns from Washington,” as happened years ago with sovereignty over Judea and Samaria and weeks ago with the municipal plans to rebuild the Atarot neighborhood in north Jerusalem. Both were “temporarily” shelved to “avoid a confrontation,” which begs the question, if they are both right and just, then why don’t we? Why don’t we act in our national interest? Why do we subjugate our rights to the considerations of other nations?

While constructive ambiguity may have its place in diplomacy, it has most often weakened us and strengthened our enemies.

Take a few other examples. Last year, Israel declared it would penalize countries that recognized a “state” of Palestine but literally nothing has happened. France’s illegal consulate in Jerusalem remains open, conducting nefarious anti-Israel activities in gross violation of Israeli law. The Turkish consulate in Jerusalem explicitly declared itself its “Embassy to Palestine,” and other Turkish agencies located in Jerusalem still engage in consistent incitement and anti-Israel activities. All these provocations are met by Israel with empty bluster but nothing ever actually happens.

Additionally, the UK was one of those countries that recognized a “Palestine” and thus seeks to deprive us of the heart of our ancestral homeland. Why not, in turn, appreciate the current friendship and support of Argentina by recognizing the Falkland Islands – still claimed by Argentina, a few hundred miles off the Argentinian coast, and distant from Britain by approximately 8,000 miles (!) – as rightful Argentinian territory? Admittedly, the symbolism of our recognition is greater than the practical effect – but isn’t recognition of a “Palestine” more symbol than substance?

For too long, we have left diplomatic, political, and territorial vacuums, which are then invariably filled with initiatives, policies, and actions that are inimical to our well-being. Granted, we are not a world superpower like the United States that can act with impunity. But we are more powerful than we think, and our power should be used to reward our friends, punish our enemies, and conserve and develop our land for future generations – rather than just kicking the can down the road and making idle threats.

At a certain point, we will run out of road, as has happened before, and what filled those vacuums were catastrophes like Oslo, the Gaza Expulsion, repeatedly mowing the lawn in Lebanon and Gaza to little effect, October 7, and a “state” of Palestine now recognized by 157 countries.

With Iran and its proxies weakened, and Venezuela – an ally of Hamas and a sanctuary for Islamic terrorists – temporarily sidelined as a global threat, it is time to be proactive, identify our national interests, promote them, and achieve them.

The Vacuum

(First published at Israelnationalnews.com)

If someone has a clue as to what is Israel’s current strategy in Gaza, please step forward. It is quite understandable if during the protracted conflict not much attention was paid to the day after. Nonetheless, there were certainly strategists and planners in our government that dealt with this and, presumably, the conduct of the war was designed to effectuate these long-term goals. But what are they?

The immediate war aims were articulated numerous times by our leadership: defeat of Hamas and its extinction as a military and political force in Gaza, including disarmament and exclusion from governance, and release of all the hostages. (Shame on our government for releasing all the terrorists – including murderers – before every last hostage, dead or alive, was returned to Israel.) Those aims were appropriate but we must note the distinction between eliminating Hamas and our strategy for post-war Gaza. Those are not the same. Even if Hamas is completely eradicated as a terrorist entity and political power – no easy task given the current war-weariness of the Americans, not to mention much of the Israeli public – eliminating a negative does not automatically create a positive. What then is our plan, not for Hamas, but for Gaza?

We have already missed several important opportunities. As politics abhors a vacuum, in place of our reticence a series of dreadful suggestions have been proffered, mainly involving rebuilding Gaza in the presence of foreign troops who can hardly be expected to challenge Hamas (if it survives) or thwart the rise of a new terrorist group under a different name. This is a bad plan based on fantasies – but a bad plan based on fantasies will always beat no plan at all.

It seems that we have reverted to the traditional Israeli craving for the status quo, kicking the can down the road, and hoping for the best – a few years of relative quiet. Those who thought that conceptziya was overwhelmed by the Hamas atrocities of October 7 should think again. That conceptziya is alive and well because it substitutes for politicians having to make tough decisions, including insisting on our just rights even in the face of American and international objections. According to reports, it has given rise to the obscenity that our soldiers are now engaged in clearing the ruins of Gaza under pressure from the United States, and at our expense. It is hard to believe but weirder things have happened. Is the IDF also being tasked with rebuilding the tunnels?

What should we want to happen in Gaza? It does not mean it will happen but if we do not propose it, it means we have forfeited any possibility of an ideal outcome. Ideally, we would want Gaza to be free of any hostile Arabs, those inimical to the existence of Israel. We would want Gaza to be open to Israeli settlement. We would want remaining Gazan Arabs to live peaceful and prosperous lives in a territory that is stable, if not flourishing. We would want the Arab world to recognize our rights to the entire land of Israel, respect our sovereignty beyond the lip service, and not hide behind the fig leaf of the alleged unrest of the Arab street. And we want to annex Judea and Samaria. These are dreams, some might say pipedreams, but certainly cannot be realized if we never articulate them.

Imagine this dialogue between PM Netanyahu and President Trump (who has long been puzzled as to what Israel really wants) at their meeting next week in Florida:

PM Netanyahu: “Donald, as I see it, we have two roads ahead of us. One road can transform the Middle East forever and advance vital American interests, and you will become renowned as the reincarnation of Emperor Cyrus. That road has never been traveled. The other, well-trodden road is to maintain the sad status quo. In other words, we can keep spinning our wheels and doing the same thing again and again hoping for a different outcome. We fight in Gaza, give Hamas a beating, pretend that its citizens are innocents who despise Hamas and love the West, lavish money on terrorists and pretend they will use it to help their people rather than plot Israel’s demise, and then fight again in a few years (next time will be the ninth time). We can do the same thing and buy a few years of relative quiet that ends with horrific terror and another war – or we can try a different approach, a new dynamic.”

President Trump: “Bibi, what do you have in mind?”

PM Netanyahu: “Well, Donald, the first idea was yours! Gaza is a hopelessly toxic environment for its residents. By any reasonable metric, it is irredeemable. The fairest, most moral solution is to relocate them to countries where they can thrive and not be seduced by the vile fantasies of radical Islam. Of course, those who want to recognize Israel’s statehood and sovereignty and want to be part of the civilized world should be welcomed to stay or to return to a rebuilt, rejuvenated Gaza. And, yes, we must build Jewish communities in the parts of Gaza that we have conquered. That is the only way that the Arabs will feel that they were defeated, that Hamas and terror are both destructive and self-destructive, that they can choose a better way.”

President Trump: “Bibi, you know that is a non-starter. Even our Arab allies are against it – the Saudis, the Emiratis, the Egyptians will never accept it. They will never accept Israeli sovereignty in Judea, Samaria, and certainly not Gaza.”

PM Netanyahu: “Well, Donald, then we have to ask ourselves, why not? All those countries’ borders are contrived, arbitrarily delineated by foreign mapmakers, or won through conquest. Why are we different? And, if we are so different, then why do they want us to have to fight the same enemies constantly? Why are they dead set against Israel ever living in peace and security? Have they really, truly, reconciled themselves to a Jewish national presence in the Middle East? If not, then for how long must we chase the chimera of peace with those who dream of our destruction every day and night?

President Trump: “But these countries also want a Palestinian state! They keep saying it. They think that is the only solution, the only way to bring peace to the Middle East, the means of impeding the spread of radical Islam. And the only way I can expand the Abraham Accords, my signature diplomatic achievement, is to indulge their interest in a Palestinian state or at least allow them to finesse it with diplomatese, weasel words that give them political cover.”

PM Netanyahu: “Well, Donald, then we are at an impasse because a Palestinian state is one of our red lines. It makes absolutely no sense to reward the genocidal attackers of October 7 with their own state from which they have already pledged to commit future atrocities against us. That will not happen. And if these so-called moderate countries – your allies, as you call them – want to combat radical Islam, why would they want to create a Palestinian state that will invariably be a base for radical Islam that will threaten us, them, and… you, the United States?”

“Look the Abraham Accords were a godsend for Israel. It showed our people that we need not be isolated forever in our region and that there might be Muslims who acknowledge our existence. But the Saudi regime is rooted in a more radical form of Islam than, for example, the Emirates. The slightest relaxation of repression in that country is met in the West as if Thomas Jefferson has been crowned as their new king. But we are an ancient people returned, as the Bible prophesied, to our land. You may not believe that (and I might not believe that) but that is the reality. The Bible said it, repeatedly, and here we are. So, know that Saudi rapprochement is not worth our acquiescence, even in theory or words, to a Palestinian state on our land. Such a pact anyway would be a paper agreement, without real substance, much like – let’s be frank – your repeated declarations that you brought peace to the Middle East after three thousand years of war. There hasn’t been three thousand years of war – and there is no peace today.”

President Trump: “What can you give me, some type of achievement, some diplomatic victory?”

PM Netanyahu: “Donald, substantive and historic achievements are there for the taking! You freed all the living hostages. That could not have occurred without a miracle, and you were the vehicle for that divine miracle. Imagine your place in history if you changed course and – like you say all the time – stop doing things again and again that don’t work. Recognize our sovereignty over Judea, Samaria, and Gaza. It has been in our possession for almost sixty years! Sixty years! For how long must its residents live in limbo? For how long must we play the diplomats’ game that has never worked and will never work? For how long must we pretend that Judea is not Jewish or indulge the Arab fantasy that they can destroy us?”

“I will tell you something else, Donald. If we declare sovereignty, you will respect us more, and even more importantly, the Arabs – even those countries you see as allies – will also respect us more. They know the value of land. They are attached to it, even the desert. They sense that our hesitation to declare sovereignty is because we really do not believe it is ours. And if we do not believe it is ours, then they convince themselves that our residence in the land of Israel is tenuous and temporary. Enough with that! You can make history! American recognition of this annexation will neutralize the UN and flummox Europe which will eventually come around as well, much like it did with your recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital.”

President Trump: “But we have already a workable plan to which you agreed. Nations from across the globe – Turkey, Qatar, Indonesia, Azerbaijan, and others – have committed to sending in their own troops in order to disarm Hamas and rehabilitate Gaza. They are on the verge of coming, and the Arab world will pay for it!”

PM Netanyahu: “Well, Donald, here is the real deal. In the Middle East, what people say to your face is not always what they mean, and often it is the exact opposite. You might even be familiar with that from the real estate business. Already, Qatar is refusing to fund the reconstruction of Gaza, and no country in the world has agreed to risk their own armies in removing Hamas’ weapons and banishing it from Gaza. None. Everyone is sweet-talking you and your emissaries, talking a good game but not delivering. Even the countries that might send troops want to send them to the area under our control. But we don’t need them there!”

“And do we look insane? Irrational? Why in the world would we allow troops from Turkey and Qatar who are our enemies, who themselves in their private moments dream of our demise, to enter Gaza? Qatar basically paid for Hamas’ terror infrastructure – billions of dollars now wasted – and long hosted their terrorist leaders in luxury. Turkey has been overtly hostile to Israel for almost twenty years and wants to rebuild the Ottoman Empire which ruled the land of Israel for four centuries. Erdogan just said the other day that Jerusalem is Muslim, not Jewish. Do you really think that they will ensure that Hamas doesn’t rebuild or that a new terror organization is not created? Sure – and why don’t you allow Venezuela to interdict drug shipments to the US, perhaps even give them a base in South Florida?”

“You don’t trust Venezuela because they are themselves the criminals. We don’t trust Turkey or Qatar because they are themselves supporters and fomenters of terror. And don’t get me started on the Palestinian Authority.

President Trump: “What do you suggest?”

PM Netanyahu: “Let us, for once, together, do the right thing, the bold move that makes history, just like you did in the first term. We will disarm and defeat Hamas ourselves, allowing anyone who wants to leave Gaza to leave first. Then we will settle northern Gaza and the land that abuts our communities in the south – you do realize that Gaza is about the size of two Manhattans – punctuating our victory and ensuring our security. Then, we will finally annex Judea and Samaria – at first the areas where Jews live, then all of it – bringing diplomatic clarity to that region for the first time since Israel’s founding.

“You will go down in history, again, as a visionary leader. You will endear yourself, again, to your Christian evangelical supporters who understand completely the Bible’s prophecies and the inalienable rights of the Jewish people to Judea and Samaria, the biblical heartland of Israel. I would love to tell you that this would even increase your support among American Jews but, let’s face it, they are a strange bunch who don’t like me any more than they like you.”

“And, Donald, one more thing: is there a better idea than this one that can secure the interests of both our countries and stabilize the Middle East? There is none that occur to me or to anyone credible, beyond, let Israel withdraw and Gaza rebuild, as if that hasn’t been tried multiple times in the past. So, Donald, what do you say, let us together make history.”

There is a strategic and political vacuum in Gaza. We should fill it now, before it is too late once again and we revert to the same failed policies of the last seventy years. We should not let the vacuum linger but replenish it with policies that reflect our interests, values, and destiny.

The Friend of My Enemy

(First published at Israelnationalnews.com)

There is a well-known and ancient aphorism that affirms that “the enemy of my enemy is my friend.” Two countries that are rivals can still unite to challenge and overcome a mutual adversary that threatens them both. Thus, during World War II, the United States and United Kingdom joined forces with the USSR (after Germany breached their non-aggression pact) in order to defeat the Nazis. Shortly after the war ended, the enmity between the erstwhile allies resumed in full force and the Cold War began.

What about a corollary to that hoary principle? How does one characterize “the friend of my enemy,” or in our case, enemies? Is the friend still a friend? Does the friend become an enemy? Is there an intermediate stage – can a country become a frenemy?

This is our new reality, as Israel’s closest friend and ally in the world – the United States – curries favor with Qatar and Turkey, arguably two of Israel’s most implacable strategic foes in the world today. It is impossible not to conclude that those two countries are our enemies, and this despite Israel’s longtime willingness to ignore the provocations of both and to dream of the past (Turkey) or better days ahead (Qatar).

We should not delude ourselves any longer. Qatar has for quite some time been the sponsors of Hamas and other terrorist groups. It literally hosted and shielded Hamas’ leadership before, during, and after the October 7 massacre, and Qatari wealth has sustained Hamas despite its designation as a terrorist organization. Qatari money has allegedly fueled the anti-Jewish campus unrest in the United States the last several years. Their recent distancing from Hamas was solely the result of Israel’s attack on Hamas’ Qatar headquarters this past September, a shot across the bow that, among other things, informed the Qataris that the jig was up – and even induced them to pressure Hamas to free all the living Israeli hostages then held captive by Hamas.

Israelis still remember the Turkey that was the first (and for decades, only) Muslim country that recognized Israel. That bond was severed when Recep Tayyip Erdoğan became prime minister in 2003 and then president (apparently for life unless there is a coup) in 2014. Turkey before Erdoğan was a breath of fresh air in the Middle East. His ascension to power and his commitment to the tenets of radical Islam immediately soured relations, although Israel was slow to realize that and our diplomacy remained trapped in the fantasy world of the 1980’s. Nothing Erdoğan’s Turkey could do – supporting Hamas, dispatching the Mavi Marmara, repeatedly condemning Israel on the world stage, calling our government “Nazis” and our prime minister “Hitler” – none of that dispelled the Israeli illusion that this was still the same Turkey that exports dates and welcomes Israeli tourists, and that we are just a few conversations away from reviving that halcyon era.

Today, Turkey’s influence in our region is especially nefarious, and even in Israel itself. It designated its illegal consulate in Jerusalem, our capital city, as its “embassy to Palestine” – and we do nothing about it. Through a variety of social service, educational, and cultural organizations it sponsors in Jerusalem, funded by Qatar, it propagates radical Islam, rejection of Israel, and support for terror – and we do nothing about it. It routinely insults us, denies our legitimacy, and mocks our sovereignty – and we do nothing about it. The fantasy about the old Turkey even precipitated an apology from our prime minister after the Mavi Marmara incident. In other words, Turkey sent a hostile craft meant to break our blockade and supply our genocidal enemy in Gaza – and we had to apologize.

Now, the United States is friends or at least allies with these two of our enemies, and the price of that friendship has not been the diminution of their hostility towards Israel. Turkey and Qatar have captivated the US and it is not because of the shared values of those three countries – unless the primary value is money. These antagonists have infiltrated the US in different ways – Turkey as a longtime member of NATO serving as a counterforce to the Russians, and Qatar by spreading tens of billions of dollars of its oil revenues to buy influence in universities, politics, think tanks, school boards, and cultural institutions. Qatar has upped the ante in the current administration by engaging in sweetheart business deals with Steve Witkoff, President Trump’s ambassador for all things, and with Trump family members, and promising (although not yet delivering) investments in US infrastructure reported to be a trillion dollars.

Although the US could easily detach itself from Turkey, whose weak economy is obscured by its bellicose rhetoric and grandiose ambitions, it could not easily disconnect from the Qataris, so extensive is their influence in the United States. Qatari money is spread across numerous industries such as real estate, energy, aviation, and technology, and most reprehensible is their funding of dozens of American universities, including study programs which extol the virtues of Islam and denigrate Judaism and Israel. Yes, money talks, and three American universities – Georgetown, Carnegie Mellon, and Northwestern – have received more than two trillion dollars to fund their campuses in Doha, Qatar.

The influence of Qatari money on American university campuses, and its connection to the rampant Jew hatred and anti-American activism that have erupted there in recent years, is being investigated. But the linkage should be unsurprising, as well the accompanying decline in support for Israel in the last few years among younger Americans.

Undoubtedly, Qatar and Turkey are masterful at playing the double game, promoting the interests of radical Israel under the pretense of befriending America and serving America’s interests. This should have been made clear to all through the machinations of Qatar and Turkey during the prolonged hostage negotiations, when both countries pretended to be intermediaries and peace seekers. In fact, their enmity to Israel was blatant. Even their supposed neutrality to Hamas was and is a moral obscenity. If part of their current game is currying favor with President Trump through money (including a promise of a new Air Force One, which has not yet been fulfilled) and overblown flattery, then it is working. And if a long-term Arab goal has always been to distance the US from Israel, then that hasn’t happened, but it is clearly on their agenda.

Well, how do we react when our strongest ally sees itself as friends with our enemies? We can pretend to our detriment that perhaps those enemies are no longer enemies because they are friends with our friend. That would be absurd, which is not to say unlikely given our diplomatic dithering. But it should be clear that one might be a friend of my enemy but that does not make that enemy my friend. An enemy remains an enemy because of divergent interests and objectives, and hostile actions. Friendship with a third party will not change that.

We cannot compete with Qatari money. Trump is a sucker for flattery and has been played by multiple countries – Russia, China, Syria, and others – but we should not play that unsavory game more than is necessary, such as calling Trump “the best friend Israel has ever had in the White House,” which is true but does not preclude Trump pursuing American interests first, as he should. We pretend to our detriment that US and Israeli interests are always aligned.

What we can do is try to minimize the impact of that so-called friendship by emphasizing our shared interests with the United States, and especially by calling out Qatari and Turkish actions that conflict with US interests, of which there are not a few. Qatar has announced it will not fund Gaza’s rebuilding, despite promises made to the Americans. Both countries have long flirted with America’s global adversaries and skillfully play one off against the other. The presence of a US Air Force base in Qatar serves one US interest but means that the US literally defends Qatar from all hostile elements, something that makes American troops targets which should trouble America Firsters. Israel has never sought that type of on the ground protection, and it is a mistake to allow an American base in Kiryat Gat.

Under Qatari and Turkish influence, the US will try to force Israel into accepting the disappearance of the deceased hostage Ran Gvili, diluting our insistence that Hamas be disarmed and disabled, speed up Gazan reconstruction, and advance our withdrawal (again, for the eighth time) from Gaza. None of this is in Israel’s interest, unless our goal is a few months or years of relative tranquility as the enemy prepares for the next, and even deadlier, round of terror and atrocities.

Trump has good instincts and is unpredictable because of his tendency to engage in bold actions. But he also has a short attention span, is easily distracted, and enjoys more the good PR from claiming diplomatic triumphs than the reality on which his wishes are implausibly imposed which is always less auspicious. Hence, the series of “wars” he has ended which have not actually ended – whether in Congo, Thailand, Gaza, or the Middle East. The day of agreement concerns him more than the day after an agreement. He lacks the tenacity and patience to see his vision through or to ensure it endures. That is why he urges Netanyahu to “take the win,” even if there is no win to be taken. It is akin to Senator George Aiken’s famous quote (he did not actually say it) in 1966 that the US in Vietnam should “declare victory and go home.” But Gaza is home, part of the land of Israel, and the enemy’s objective is to survive, and during the respite rebuild, rearm, and plan for the next attack. Now that Hamas is on the ropes and Gaza is devastated, we would be foolish to allow true victory in that tiny territory to slip away.

And we would have to be insane to allow the introduction of troops from Turkey and Qatar into Gaza, knowing full well that they will do little else than facilitate their plans for our demise. Their forces would not be Trojan horses but rather the enemy itself, armed and dangerous and in plain sight. Qatar has infiltrated the highest levels of the American government and it should be sobering for us to realize the outsized influence Qatar now has on American foreign policy, including Trump’s pronouncements. It puts paid to the boring cliché prevalent among anti-Israel Americans that Israel controls US foreign policy, although it will not stop our haters from professing it. Every administration statement, including leaks to journalists from “senior officials,” has to be filtered through the prism of Qatari influence.

In truth, it is Trump who should “take the win,” the win being the release of all the living hostages at once which would not have happened without him. Everything else is smoke and mirrors. If we do not take advantage of Hamas’ current vulnerability, we will be left dealing with a resurgent terror network and an explosive Gaza long after Trump leaves office, and under much less favorable conditions for us to respond.

As always, Israel is remiss is not clearly defining our interests and sticking to them, in not establishing red lines and proclaiming their indelibility. Ruling out Turkish troops in Gaza is a god start but Qatari forces are no better. We, too, are desperate for friends and allies but we should be forthright in recognizing that our enemies are not just those who physically attack us but also those who subsidize the attackers. Israelis too have been seduced by the allure of Qatari business and investments. That the US is unduly swayed by Qatar and Turkey is probably inevitable, given the US interest in countering the growing sway of China and Russia, but it need not be permanent. Those countries’ influence on the Trump administration is troubling but not exclusive. We too have influence – and that influence is enhanced when our interests are unambiguously projected and our shared values are transparent and transmitted.

The reborn Jewish commonwealth after the miracle Chanukah foundered because of, among other reasons, ill-considered alliances with foreign countries that gradually undermined our sovereignty in the land of Israel. Having learned from our long and providential history, we know better. Or do we?

Happy Chanukah!

Chanukah: Ancient Challenges

(First published in the December issue of Jewish Image magazine)

It is not widely known but Jerusalem is at the center of each of the Jewish holidays. In addition to the three pilgrimage festivals, a second day was added to Rosh Hashana to facilitate the Temple service in case the precise appearance of the New Moon perplexed the authorities. The Temple service was at the heart of Yom Kippur and Jerusalem celebrates Purim on the same day it was celebrated in Shushan, one day after most of the Jewish world rejoices.

But on no holiday does Jerusalem feature as prominently in its history and observance as it does on Chanukah. The miracle of Chanukah – the burning of the Temple Menorah for eight days – occurred in Jerusalem and the liberation of Jerusalem was considered the apex of the military victory even though the war itself continued for another two decades. And there is much that happened on Chanukah that can guide us today as the challenges that bedeviled the Jewish people then are prevalent, not to mention, exasperating, in modern times.

The story of Chanukah almost 2200 years ago took place against the backdrop of three major crises. The Jewish world then had to wrestle with a foreign enemy, internal strife, and a spiritual malaise that threatened the continuity of Jewish life.

The Syrian Greeks led by a descendant of one of the generals of Alexander the Great captured the land of Israel and the Temple itself and embarked on a campaign of coerced Hellenization of the Jewish population. The Temple was defiled with a statue of Zeus, service in the Temple was summarily halted, and the Syrians attempted to force the Jews to abandon Torah study, circumcision, and other fundamental commandments in the hope that Jews would assimilate into the Greek culture as all other conquered nations had done.  Additionally, the Syrians exercised hegemony over the land of Israel and the Jews were subjugated in their own land.

Most Jews succumbed to the allures of Hellenism, embraced their conquerors, and fiercely opposed the rebellion of the Hasmoneans. In a real yet frightening sense, the war of Chanukah was as much a civil war among Jews as it was a rebellion against the foreign enemy. Jews were quite willing to lend support to the enemy and too many did not hesitate to abandon the particulars of Jewish observance and identity in order to integrate into the Hellenist culture that had swept the world.

None of these predicaments are unknown to us today. The Jewish state, and Jerusalem itself, hosts a large Arab population that does not necessarily perceive its destiny as identical to that of Israeli Jews. There are hostile foreign elements within Jerusalem – chapters of Hamas, Turkish anti-Israel organizations, Qatar money funding a variety of nefarious activities, and European consulates that operate in Jerusalem as embassies to the Palestinians in defiance of Israeli law and thus threatening Israeli sovereignty in the Holy City, including that of Greece, of all countries, our ancient tormentor.

The internal disharmony in Israel over the last few years, which itself precipitated the Hamas attack of October 7, 2023, was mostly papered over by the war but has now slowly re-emerged. It mostly centers on starkly different, even diametrically opposed, visions of Jewish destiny, the meaning, importance, and even continued relevance of a Jewish state, and competing notions of Israeli and Jewish identity.

To be sure, the good news is that the state of affairs when the rebellion of Chanukah began was far more precarious than it is today. We have endured much as a people, weathered conquests, expulsions, exiles, pogroms, and Holocausts, only to return to our land – as promised in the Bible – and reestablish thereon the third Jewish commonwealth. Jews for the last two millennia could only dream of an independent Jewish state in which Torah study is abundant, the observance of mitzvot is woven into the societal structure, a Jewish army can rise up against our foes in righteous self-defense, and Chanukah is a national celebration. Indeed, despite all our differences and the superficial discord, somehow, we have created and maintained a thriving society, prosperous and caring, boisterous but determined, tolerant and broadminded, embattled but audacious, and in many respects, the envy of the world.

We should never ignore the gifts we have been given nor trivialize the opportunities with which we have been blessed. The Jewish population of Jerusalem has not been as sizable as it is today since the destruction of the Temple over nineteen centuries ago. The challenges that we face today – both domestic and foreign – pale before the challenges we overcame throughout history.

That is because the great light of Chanukah still illuminates our way forward and reminds us of the great days of faith, unity, and redemption ahead.

Happy Chanukah to all!