Semiquincentennial Fever

(First published at Israelnationalnews.com)

The United States celebrates this weekend its semi-quincentennial (literally, halfway to five hundred years) and a more easily pronounceable and spellable name would have been in order. It is an achievement; the world has changed so much since 1776, world maps have been re-delineated countless times and numerous countries have been founded or have had their forms of government changed. And yet, the USA endures.

The world and the Jewish people have benefited enormously from the founding of the USA, in mostly unanticipated ways. The great Torah leader, Rav Chaim of Volozhin, reportedly stated in the early 1800’s that the United States would be the last foreign refuge Jews would enjoy before the coming of Moshiach. Indeed, millions of Jews found safe haven in America in the 19th and 20th centuries, including three of my grandparents and my father, and for that we are eternally grateful. The idea that any nation on earth would welcome Jews – even for a time – and permit freedom of worship flabbergasted and gratified immigrant Jews, even if many exploited the freedom of religion to flee from their religion. And the US played an important, if occasionally reluctant, role in Israel’s creation and even our survival.

It was 250 years ago, that these words electrified mankind: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” No other nation then invoked G-d’s name in order to do anything but justify the absolute power of the monarch. No other nation perceived these rights as “truths,” much less self-evident truths. And no other nation had a system of government in which there were co-equal branches, each with checks and balances on the others.

None of this had to be and many Jews, as well as Americans, believed in the hand of Providence in America’s creation and statecraft. Abraham Lincoln, notably in his Second Inaugural Address, underscored this, and that, to paraphrase Bejamin Franklin, that the USA has been able to keep its republic for this long and to remain mostly faithful to its creed and values is remarkable, if not providential. No nation before had distributed power amongst the ruling classes in order to protect the individual. Is it easy to maintain co-equal branches or government? No, it is not, and exhibit one today in Israel is the seizure of supreme power by a runaway judiciary that essentially appoints itself, follows no laws, and capriciously asserts control over any and every aspect of society it wishes to.

For me, this anniversary recalls the far more pronounceable bicentennial in 1976, exactly fifty years ago. I was a teenager, in Israel at the time, and the day is forever etched in my memory because it coincided with the astonishing rescue of the Israeli hostages at Entebbe, Uganda. Israel had been on emotional standstill for more than a week with the lives of more than one hundred Jewish hostages in existential danger, and with the Rabin government in the process of negotiating a release of hundreds of terrorists in exchange for their freedom. That was the era when Israel prided itself on not negotiating with terrorists (how quaint that must sound fifty years later; for the more than forty years, we have just about only negotiated with and conceded to terrorists, beginning with the Abu Jibril deal in 1985 and reaching its full force with the Oslo Accords, and so on). But here the talks were designed to stall for time as Israel prepared for a potential military rescue.

We awoke that Sunday morning to the thrilling news of the rescue. We didn’t yet know that three hostages had perished along with one officer – Yoni Netanyahu. The sense of exhilaration was palpable. For one thing, almost immediately it lifted the gloom that had beset Israel in the aftermath of the Yom Kippur War. For another, the miraculous nature of the rescue – flying through the night thousands of miles, the decoys, the surprise assault, the quick escape with the hostages, and their safe return – all reaffirmed G-d’s role.

I recall traveling on a bus that afternoon from Netanya to Yerushalayim, looking at the clouds, which to me, seemed to form a hand, as in the hand of Hashem. The joy on the bus and on the streets was overwhelming. And where was I going? To the bicentennial celebration that was taking place in the football stadium of Hebrew University in Givat Ram. It symbolized for me the interconnection between the United States and Israel – how in many ways the American experiment was rooted in the Bible, how the Founders saw themselves as Providential actors – like Moses leading the Israelites across the Red Sea guided by the divine pillar of fire, itself Ben Franklin’s recommendation for the Great Seal of the United States – and how modern Israel sees itself, perhaps to a fault, as an American outpost in the Middle East, a nation guided also by biblical values.

There is no article about the USA (or Israel, for that matter) that omits the disclaimer that no nation is perfect, an indictment usually issued by citizens of nations that do not even aspire to goodness or virtue, much less perfection. One little known anecdote illustrates the point. On July 5, the day after the Entebbe rescue, US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, whose discomfort with being Jewish bordered on schizophrenia, called Israel’s US Ambassador Simchah Dinitz to complain about the Entebbe rescue operation.

“I have some bad news to tell you,” Kissinger said. “You used American equipment outside of Israel (the C-130 transport planes). We will have to apply the law… [and] put a temporary freeze on military shipments.” Dinitz responded, “you must be kidding,” to which Kissinger stated, “You know you have no right to do this without prior consultation.”

Dinitz, thinking quickly, replied that the transport planes are not “weapons, but equipment.” If the weapons freeze was eventually authorized, it did not last long.

Indeed, no country is perfect, and imperfect people in positions of power sometimes take inexplicable and mendacious positions.

It is a little surprising that there is not a semi-quincentennial celebration planned in Israel similar to the bicentennial, at least to my knowledge. And it has little to do with the reigning president and his policies towards Israel. In fact, the bicentennial year was preceded by Ford’s Kissinger-inspired “reassessment” of relations with Israel due to Israel’s sluggishness in surrendering to America’s dictates, then concerning the fate of Sinai. It is no matter. US-Israel relations have gone from cool to warm to very warm and everything in between. And many point to the United States current dysfunction and woes but, if anything, it was far worse in 1976. Inflation was in the double-digits, the US was in the middle of a bitter election campaign that would harp on the corruption of Watergate and the defeat in Vietnam. But anniversaries commemorate past events, not current events.

Despite my occasional pointed (and wholly justified) criticisms of the USA, suffice it to say that no other country aspires to do good in the world as does the United States. No other country has objective values that it tries to export across the world, and no country seeks the good and welfare of other countries as does the United States. Sure, it occasionally stumbles and even hesitates. As Winston Churchill – whose mother was American – reputedly said, “You can always count on the Americans to do the right thing, after they have exhausted all the other possibilities.”

We are living through that again in real time.

But what is true about the virtues of US is also true about Israel. We also seek only the good of mankind, only to be castigated even by those we try to help. We are held to a standard of conduct that no other nation is – and often a standard of conduct that no nation could survive if truly implemented. And we seek their welfare even when they dream of our destruction. E.g., who feeds their enemy in wartime? A good question never asked until slightly more than two years ago.

And yet, that has left Israelis not bitter but still hopeful, knowing as we do that the arc of history bends not towards justice but towards redemption and Moshiach. Part of our hopefulness as Israelis is that the United States retain its course and its values and not surrender to the temptations of materialism and hedonism. Undoubtedly, the disinclination of many American Jews to make Aliya stems from the fact that despite the surge of Jew hatred, the USA still remains a wonderful place to live, a place to which foreigners across the world regularly informed of America’s evil still want to sneak in and live there. Its opportunities still dwarf those of every other country in the world. And despite the frequent vicissitudes in US-Israel relations, we should be clear that the US is the only power in the world that is predisposed to our wellbeing.

If that should change, it would frankly be worse for the US than for Israel. But the American experiment has surely benefited all of us and transformed the world. The very notion of self-determination of peoples in their indigenous land – the essence of the political Zionism – found a powerful booster in the United States.

It would not be wrong to say that there are only two countries that are forces for good in the world: the United States and Israel. Today and tomorrow, if we remain on course, the possibilities are endless and optimistic.

Happy 250th to the USA, all Americans, and the world!

The Price of Appeasement

(First published at Israelnationalnews,com)

It is outrageous enough that negotiations are taking place between the United States and Iran that directly affect the lives and well being of millions of Israelis but without the participation of Israel and with the expectation that we will simply acquiesce to any decisions that are made. This is eerily reminiscent of the treatment of Czechoslovakia in 1938, where its territory was dismembered at Munich and soon thereafter its sovereignty was entirely lost.

This analogy casts Iran in the role of the Nazis, which they would accept as a compliment. And it also casts Vice President JD Vance (if he were a rival, Trump would invariably nickname him “Shady J. D.”) in the role of Neville Chamberlain, with a full beard instead of a bushy mustache. In truth, it is Lebanon whose land is being segmented and whose sovereignty is being forfeited to foreigners, not Israel’s. But it is our lives that are at stake as well as the viability of our communities in the north, and all to appease a genocidal foe that has been able to humiliate the United States even from a position of abject weakness.

Worse, though, is Vance’s ill-disguised contempt for Israel and for Jews as indicated by a torrent of statements he made, some prepared, some improvised. As strange as it must sound to normal-thinking people, since Vance got involved the only nation he has singled out for criticism in the entire region has been Israel, which is the only nation in the region that has been threatened with extermination by Iran (Vance’s new pals, at least the “moderates” he has uncovered, as so many gullible Americans have as well in the last half-century when it suits them). He has not internalized this: if the deal “makes Iran weaker,” as Vance claims, why are they celebrating – and then mocking and threatening the United States? They don’t sound defeated, especially now that the US has effectively ceded control over the Straits of Hormuz to Iran.

What Vance has said is certainly offensive but nevertheless deserves answers. For example, this classic: “Over the last three months, two thirds of the defensive weapons that have protected your homeland have been built by American hands and paid for by American tax dollars.” And 100% of those weapons were improved, refined, tested, and deployed by the IDF, with the results shared with the US, at the price of Jewish blood and treasure, saving the US billions of dollars in research and development.

The good news is that Israel used them successfully, thank G-d, as opposed to the US military, which mostly did not. Yesterday’s Wall Street Journal reported what was previously concealed – that Iran essentially destroyed the major US naval base in Bahrain during the war. The American failure to dislodge Iran from the Straits or defend its Gulf allies undoubtedly played an enormous role in the US cut and run from this conflict. Trump can tout the US military with typical braggadocio as the “most powerful in the world,” but, sad to say, it underperformed and did not achieve US objectives in the war. The boast means nothing; the facts on the ground, in the air, and in the Straits prove otherwise.

Israel is grateful for American assistance, money that for many reasons is well spent for purposes of American security, but we would be better off without this dependence. And the suggestion being floated that the US should relocate its destroyed Bahrain base (or other bases) to Israel is insane and should be ruled out by Israel. The presence of American forces in Israel impairs our security. It would constrain our freedom of operation. Imagine having to consult with American officials every time our fighter jets departed; imagine US troops being killed, G-d forbid, in a future conflict or in a terrorist attack. We have always taken pride in defending ourselves without US soldiers to assist us, and we should adhere to that (and swiftly shutter the Kiryat Gat base).

What else did Vance say? In response to pointed criticism of the MoU by Ministers Smotrich and Ben Gvir, Vance suggested that “Donald J Trump is the only head of state in the entire world who is sympathetic to the nation of Israel at this moment in time.” And then he got testy. “If I was in the cabinet of the Israeli government, I might not be attacking the only powerful ally that I have anywhere left in the entire world… Anybody in Israel who thinks their biggest problem is the President of the United States needs to wake up and smell the reality of the situation in that country.”

Well, first, it is not true. There are plenty of heads of state sympathetic to Israel, even discounting our steadfast friends Micronesia, Palau and now Somaliland. Israel has warm ties with India (the most populous country on earth) and Azerbaijan, and most recently, relations with Bolivia and Colombia are strengthening. The Czech Republic is friendly as is Poland most of the time. Israel is Vietnam’s second largest supplier of weapons. And there are others who respect and sympathize with Israel but circumstances (fear of Muslim terror) force them to be less vocal about it.

Second, what Vance ignores or dismisses is precisely “the reality of the situation” in Israel. We are not surrounded by Canada, Mexico, and two oceans. We are surrounded by enemies – some of whom have “peace treaties” with us that preserve a non-belligerency without a real peace. And encircled by others who openly proclaim their genocidal ambitions – “to wipe us off the map, to drive us into the sea, to reverse this insult to Islam, to excise this cancerous tumor,” to use their words. It is a region of dictators and autocrats, some of whom seized power by force and others who ascended to power by heredity. That doesn’t even begin to address the designs of our enemies within our borders. Perhaps Vance needs to wake up. The United States might have the luxury of ignoring its enemies; Israel and the Jewish people do not. His only suggestion in dealing with those who wish to exterminate us is appeasement and heeding his every dictate.

Furthermore, Vance declared, “What is your exact proposal? You’re a ​country of 9 million people. You can’t just kill your way out of solving every single national security problem that you have. To which Ben Gvir responded, and good for him, “This is the proposal … To deal with the Nazis of the 21st century, just as the United States dealt with the Nazis of the 20th century.” If Vance thinks that genocidal foes will be deterred by words and agreements (forget, signing ceremonies, as the Iranians still refuse to appear in public with the Americans), then his isolationism is as misguided as it is hazardous for Israel and the United States. He has a peculiar morality that would grant immunity to terrorists who hide among civilians, even when those civilians are supportive and share the goals of the terrorists.

But one question lingers: Why isn’t the world sympathetic to us, in Vance’s language? This is a perplexing question that has deep roots and makes many people uncomfortable, including many Jews. Why are we so hated? Why are we the only nation on the globe that is the target of such disdain, and for whom nations actively plan its demise? The only one!

Why would nations as diverse as Spain, Burkina Faso, Brunei, South Africa, Turkey, Bangladesh, and Australia have such animus towards Israel?

For sure, it must perplex even kind-hearted people across the world: why are Jews so hated? Why were we the victims of repeated pogroms, expulsions, and the Holocaust? Why, having returned to our ancient homeland in accordance with biblical prophecy, does Israel remain the only nation on earth whose very existence is found threatening and unacceptable?

Such questions cannot be fully answered in a brief essay and perhaps never fully understood. The answers go to the mystery and majesty of the Jewish experience that bewilders many Jews and certainly affronts many of our foes. Many unthinking Jews just assume that we must be doing something wrong because, if not, we would be loved! After all, we bring so much good to the world – kindness, morality, inventions, development, culture, etc. We are the first to respond when natural disasters strike anywhere in the world and still remain unpopular even among beneficiaries of our kindnesses.

Thus, Herzl thought that Jew hatred would end if we had our own state. Many in the world, including misguided Jews, today believe that Jew hatred would end if we didn’t have a state. Others feel that if we are hated, it is because we don’t make a sufficient effort to be loved, or haven’t conceded or surrendered enough in Israel, or haven’t established a Palestinian state, or didn’t build settlements, or … whatever. None of this is true.

The roots of Jew hatred go back to our forefathers and their covenant with G-d, to the Torah that we received at Sinai, to our maddening and inexplicable survival for thousands of years despite being the objects of unending enmity. Our forefathers dealt with genocidal enemies, as did their descendants, throughout history and down to our day. Our foes despise us because of our religion, and theirs, or because they have no religion (like the Communists) and resent our fidelity to ours. They hate us as rootless cosmopolitans or as colonialist masters over a tiny parcel of land. They have long chanted “go back to Israel” until we did, and now they chant “from the river to the sea” we have no claims or right to be here. Their hatred is based on overt jealousy and ill-considered fear, on opposition to the notion of a “chosen people,” on resentment towards those who are deemed “the favorites,” on barely disguised religious antagonism. It has nothing to do with where we live and how we act but entirely with who we are as a nation.

Shady J.D. Vance opposed the war, so much so that he was the only leading national security official not to be present in Mar-a-Lago when the most recent hostilities were launched. But his particular snarkiness – the only nation on the globe he taunts, since his verbal attacks on Ukraine were ignored by Zelensky – seems to be based on his newfound faith about which he is peddling a new book, as if he is personally trying to resuscitate the ancient Catholic disparagement of Jews.

He would do well to consider not only the fates of Bilaam and Balak but moreover, the historical reality that goes back to ancient times, to G-d’s promise to Avraham: “And I will bless those who bless you, and curse those who curse you, and all the families of the land will be blessed through you” (Breisheet 12:3).

May all those who support Israel share in the divine blessings.

Trump Goes Wobbly

(Versions of this first appeared at jns.org and Israelnationalnews.org))

In August 1990, days after Iraq invaded and conquered Kuwait, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher pressed President George H. W. Bush on taking decisive military action. Bush agreed, but when he at first deferred to the United Nations for support, Thatcher challenged him, and famously said, “This is no time to go wobbly, George.” Less than six months later, the United States and allies launched the Gulf War, and within a few weeks, Kuwait was liberated, Saddam’s forces were routed, and the Iraqi threat was, for a time, neutralized.

Donald Trump has gone wobbly. Lacking another world leader with the fortitude of Mrs. Thatcher, Mr. Trump lacks any counterforce and thus is torn between several of his more engaged advisors – some of whom are obviously pained and troubled by the deal with Iran – and his more isolationist advisors, who want to cut US losses and run. Across the world, Britain’s Prime Minister Keir Starmer is the anti-Thatcher, Europe’s leaders are docile and primed for appeasement, Russia and China can sense American impotence, and the Gulf States are more afraid of Iran than respect the United States.

The only world leader who still wants to defeat the menace of radical Islam is Binyamin Netanyahu, who has now been set up by Trump as the scapegoat if the agreement with Iran fails, no matter the reason. It can fail because Israel will still not accept an Iran with extensive ballistic missile capabilities (something that Trump has now accepted), because Israel will not withdraw from the land it has freed from Hezbollah domination in southern Lebanon, because Israel cannot accept the remilitarization of Iran’s terrorist proxies, or because Israel is unconvinced of Iran’s sincerity in abandoning its nuclear weapons program.

Indeed, to anyone who does believe that Iran will voluntarily disavow its nuclear program I would gladly sell them a bridge in Brooklyn that can be renamed the Trump Bridge.

Trump’s concessions are quite flabbergasting. He has already conceded that the 60-day deadline is not final. The Iranian negotiators, masters of procrastination and obfuscation, are playing Trump and will simply delay as long as necessary, knowing the resumption of war is unlikely and especially having received sanctions relief that will enable them to feed their fighters and spread their terror.

More stunning are two admissions that Trump made during his press conference on Wednesday: that the United States never thought that Iran would close the Straits of Hormuz or launch attacks on the oil infrastructure of its Gulf neighbors.

It is hard to underestimate the level of unpreparedness this reflects. Was a US attack on Iran never war-gamed? The essence of war gaming is anticipating the possible responses of the enemy, who, after all, also has a say in how the war is conducted. Was this not done – or, worse, was it done, but Trump simply ignored it because he admittedly prefers to rely on his own instincts?

This fiasco was compounded by two great failures of the US military. The first was the inability to reopen the Straits of Hormuz to international shipping, dubbed Operation Project Freedom, which was aborted before it began. Ultimately it does not matter whether the Straits remained closed because of the United States’ lack of capability or lack of willpower to reopen them, willpower being an essential element in the conduct of warfare.

This failure emboldened Iran, which now knows that it can open and close the Straits at will, thus disrupting the global economy. Israel may soon be facing Iranian demands such as withdraw from Lebanon and Gaza, divide Jerusalem, or establish a Palestinian state – or Iran will close the Straits of Hormuz to world shipping. If that occurs, that will be a Donald Trump legacy.

The second failure – just as staggering – was the United States’ inability to protect its Gulf allies from Iranian attacks that caused extensive damage to land and infrastructure. It is incomprehensible that these Gulf kingdoms – purchasers of hundreds of billions of dollars in American weapons over the decades – could not protect their own territory. Even more egregious was the reluctance to respond in kind to Iran’s infrastructure, now rendered sacrosanct and off limits to attack, purportedly to allow the Iranian people a greater chance at prosperity once the regime collapsed. There is little chance of that happening now.

Trump going wobbly – when Iran was weakened as never before – has succeeded only in empowering and enriching Iran, heartening the enemies of America and Israel, and intimidating the Gulf states in casting their destiny with Iran and not with the West. And all to save a dollar a gallon in the price of oil or seriously plan on fighting history’s first casualty-free war or chase the chimera of retaining Republican control over Congress this autumn.

A sagacious Israel should realize the limits of American support and prioritize its own interests, as all countries do. This includes not only the judicious use of the word “no,” when the demand is made that we withdraw again from Lebanon but also our demand that the American military base outside Gaza be shuttered forthwith. There is absolutely no good that will come to Israel by having American forces on its soil. If anything, they will limit our freedom of action to fight terror.

That being said, the attack on Iran was still useful. It halted Iran’s march to the bomb and greatly weakened Iran’s proxies. Israel is far better situated now than before the war. But Iran saw and sees through Trump’s blustery threats, including the vacuities about resuming the bombing in sixty days. Bombing is a tactic, not a strategy; it would be helpful if Trump could articulate a strategy. Today Iran mocks him as it once did Obama.

Trump was so desperate for an agreement that had Iran asked the US to pay for 444 days of room and board for the American hostages it held in the late 1970’s, Trump would have paid, plus interest.

Donald Trump has a penchant for being liked, sometimes by the most unsavory people. Without a Thatcher to goad him into not going wobbly, he has gone wobbly, and bigly. He would be wise to learn from another saying of Margaret Thatcher: “If you set out to be liked, you would be prepared to compromise on anything at any time, and you would achieve nothing.”

That, for now, is Donald Trump’s Iran legacy. A lot of bombs bursting in the hot air of empty threats, curses, and braggadocio. Indeed, it wasn’t the “crazy lunatics” who surrendered, but the self-proclaimed “high IQ genius,” outwitted by a gang of murderous thugs, a surrender that has shamed the United States and strengthened the enemies of freedom.

What he does not realize is that the “Guardian of Israel neither slumbers nor sleeps” (Tehillim 121:4). The rest is in our hands, to live as G-d intended, as our existence is more secure than that of Donald Trump, or JD Vance.

President Donald Hussein Obama

(First published at Israelnationalnews.com)

It is prudent to be skeptical of anything Donald Trump says, whether it pertains to his “landslide” electoral victories or his sundry “peace” deals across the globe. This skepticism is triply warranted regarding the highly touted peace deal with Iran whose details are still largely unknown, speculative, fanciful, and exceedingly fluid. Undoubtedly, as the week progresses towards a signing ceremony, it will become increasingly clear that there is almost no meeting of the minds, except on one issue. Trump will boast that due to his remarkable negotiating skills, he has successfully pressured Iran into reopening the Straits of Hormuz, which of course were open to navigation before the current hostilities began on February 28.

In other words, Trump’s conduct of the war induced Iran to close the Straits, plunging the world’s markets into turmoil and driving up the price of oil precipitously. His management of the war including, it must be said without any glee, the underperformance of the US military that failed to reopen the Straits, has succeeded only in restoring the status quo ante with one major exception: Iran now realizes that it controls the Straits and can open, close, and regulate them with impunity, and full immunity from any consequences. 

Oh, yes, one more thing. Although details are still hazy, it is safe to say that Iran certainly expects that in exchange for its agreement to reopen the Straits (whose closure was a blatant violation of international law) it will receive multibillions of dollars of financial relief that will revive its battered economy and facilitate its support of terror across the region. 

Trump’s capitulation, no matter how he spins it, is truly Obama worthy, and Iran’s mockery of Trump and its characterization of the American “defeat” will irritate him no end, if not derail the agreement entirely. Personal pique is one of the most compelling factors driving American diplomacy in the Trump era. The irony, it should be underscored, is that Trump at his worst and dumbest is better than Biden at his best and Obama at his brightest. His visceral support for Israel is still present but we need not join in his delusions. 

Peace is not coming. Iran is not yet defeated, but it is greatly weakened, its vulnerabilities exploited and still exposed. The current war was necessary and worthwhile, even if Trump for his own reasons is aborting it, eschewing victory and reverting to the West’s embrace since World War II of stalemate instead of success, of kicking the can down the road in place of resolve and resolution, of appeasing evil because it has abandoned any understanding of objective morality, of good and evil. Europe’s amorality, coupled with its failed pursuit of material prosperity, placed it on a trajectory towards its own extinction. Obama’s statecraft was not much different, and now Trump’s partakes of the same. 

If the whole point of life is to make money and as much as possible, then war with Iran or any other evil entity is bad for business. Indeed, even acknowledging the power of ideology is counterproductive and so it is best to deny that any nation, including Iran, has any exterminationist motivation, and so that doesn’t exist even if it does. In Trump world, unwelcome facts are simply ignored, and harping on them is considered rude. 

The materialist will never comprehend the power of religious ideology and certainly not the depth of religion-based hatred. The fact of its existence is dismissed as “fake news.” And Trump has been both the victim of fake news and one of its leading disseminators. 

American and Israeli interests were bound to diverge at a certain point, and that point has arrived. Iran’s threat to Israel and the United States is existential but the US has the luxury of ignoring Iran for a longer period than Israel can. The fact that the Iranian regime has spent the better part of forty seven years humiliating the United States is of little moment. Iran has been governed during the last (almost) half century by essentially one regime with a depraved but consistent ideology, while the US has had eight presidents of different ideologies, backgrounds, objectives, and approaches. It is no wonder that Trump wishes to cut bait and run. Iran is weakened, for sure, but while it threatens Israel today, its threat to the US will be some other president’s problem. Obama’s policy was literally kicking the Iran problem down the road. For all his bluster and protestations, that is Trump’s policy today, maybe not tomorrow, but probably again the day after. 

Any sentient observer realizes that Trump, wearing his Obama mask, has succumbed to Iran’s hoary tactics of endless negotiation, conceding and then retracting, agreeing to a final deal and then insisting on one last concession from its interlocutors that undoes much of what was agreed to, and then not abiding by any agreement it does sign. If Trump really believes that Iran will ever willingly divest itself of its nuclear program or materials, then he is now, officially, the most dangerous man in the free world, not its leader. Iran, much like Trump did repeatedly in his years as a real estate developer, will sign something, and then weasel, haggle, threaten, litigate, and not pay up. He might even know this, not that it matters. As the American novelist Upton Sinclair once wrote, “It is difficult to get a man to understand something when his salary depends on him not understanding it.” In Trump’s case, it is not his salary but his world view, his ambition, and his hubris that requires him to look away from Iran’s aggressions and its war against America.

Ultimately, it doesn’t matter if Trump allows himself to be deceived because the war is unpopular in the United States, or because he fears a Republican defeat in the midterms, or because he hoped to wage history’s first casualty free war, or because the American military has failed to achieve its war objectives despite the hype and spin. What does matter is that the US under Donald Hussein Obama allowed Iran to gain the upper hand in the Straits of Hormuz, could not reopen it despite the seeming disparity between the American military might and Iran’s decimated forces, and could even defend its own bases in the Gulf Arab states and the Gulf Arab states themselves. That does not bode well for them, or, for that matter, for Taiwan, or other US allies.  

As for us in Israel, we should be grateful for past, present, and future assistance from the United States, and certainly for their actions in the last two years that facilitated many of our successes, and particularly the debilitation of all our enemies and the projection of Israeli power on every front and into enemy territory. Sometimes, as with the biblical (and perhaps current) Amalek, the task of our generation is to weaken them when they can’t yet be defeated (as in Shemot 17:13). But we should not delude ourselves into thinking that our interests with the US are identical. We certainly should not constrain our actions against enemies who wish to destroy our State and murder Jews because of an agreement made between the US and Iran to which we were not a party and in which our interests were not primary or even secondary considerations. That would be insane. 

No nation waives its right of self-defense and no self-respecting nation allows its right of self-defense to be theoretical and not actual. This might require publicly calling out Mr. Trump and asking him “which American border towns would he allow to be rocketed, and how many US citizens would he allow to be murdered without any response because of geopolitical considerations?” 

That question neatly frames our dilemma, our options, and the untenability of demanding our restraint. We need not like Trump wearing an Obama mask and we need not acquiesce to its broader ramifications. Trump does not like war, and in truth, no sane person seeks war. But as George Santayana wrote, “only the dead have seen the end of war.” That is neither our fate nor that of the world, until the coming of Moshiach. Until then, we fight evil, even alone, even when the blusterers are tempted to slink away when the going gets tough, even when they are snatching defeat from the jaws of victory and boastfully tweeting about it. 

As little is real in Trump world, the immediate future and even the signing of a deal is uncertain. But in his kowtowing to evil, his abandonment of regime change and hope for the Iranian people, and his fantasy of forcing Israel to accept an agreement with Iran that inevitably leads it to a nuclear bomb, Donald John Trump is more like Barack Hussein Obama than he cares to admit.