Tag Archives: Israel

The End of UNRWA

Posted on February 20, 2025 | Comments Off on The End of UNRWA

(First published at JNS.org)

The Knesset overwhelmingly passed legislation last year prohibiting the U.N. Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) from operating on Israeli territory. It also banned every Israeli from cooperating with UNRWA in any way. Despite an outcry from the anti-Israel elements of the international community, the law went into effect at the end of January, and UNRWA was obligated to cease its operations in Israel. Its social services to residents of Jerusalem, for example, were assumed by the municipality, but it has created a vacuum among purveyors of incitement and anti-Israel animus.

The time has come for the United Nations, once and for all, to close down UNRWA entirely. It has not served a useful purpose for many decades, if ever. UNRWA in Jerusalem provided health care and sanitation services, as well as administered some schools—tasks that, according to residents, performed poorly in all respects. Elementary-school education taught little beyond incitement against Israel, and UNRWA routinely sold its supplies on the black market, enriching its employees and impoverishing its clients. As reported in Israel Hayom, only 2.3% of eighth-graders in UNRWA schools were proficient in reading at age-appropriate levels.

UNRWA’s failure to provide services pales before its active participation in terror, both inside and outside of Gaza. Estimates are that almost half of UNRWA’s staff in Gaza were active members of Hamas, and dozens of UNRWA workers were identified as among the assailants and torturers of Jews on Oct. 7, 2023. A substantial part of the UNRWA annual budget of roughly $2 billion functioned as a grant to Hamas. Terror facilities run by Hamas, including weapons depots and tunnels, were discovered under UNRWA buildings in Gaza, and Hamas has claimed responsibility for repeated acts of terror in Jerusalem in the last several years.

Why does UNRWA still exist? And why must it be permanently shuttered?

UNRWA was founded 75 years ago to deal with the 700,000 Arab refugees who fled their homes during and after Israel’s War of Independence in 1948. Oddly, another U.N. agency, the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), was created around the same time to deal with the remainder of the world’s tens of millions of refugees resulting from the wars in that tumultuous decade. Neither agency inquired after the welfare of the 800,000 Jews who were simultaneously driven out of their homes in the Arab world, most of whom resettled in Israel and the West.

More importantly, UNRWA’s singular focus since its origin has been to perpetuate the refugee status of Palestinian Arabs rather than end it through resettlement, which is the objective of UNHCR. This is accomplished in several ways. First, UNRWA redefined “refugee” for its own purposes. According to the UNHCR, refugee status is limited to those individuals who fled a war zone. As soon as they are resettled, they are no longer considered refugees and are beyond UNHCR’s purview.

By contrast, UNRWA contrived its own unique definition of “refugee,” i.e., any descendant of a male who fled the Arab invasion of Israel in 1948. Thus, refugee status for Palestinian Arabs is transmitted from generation to generation, unlike any other refugee group in the world, and so by UNRWA’s (inflated) count, they now number almost 6 million people. Today, 99% of these “refugees” were born and raised in the country where they now reside. UNRWA is subsidizing its fourth generation of refugees, something unprecedented, and which therefore has no natural end to it.

Second, UNRWA makes no effort to find permanent homes for its “refugees” but has maintained them in refugee camps since 1949. While UNHCR seeks to terminate refugee status, UNRWA seeks to immortalize it. As such, for most Palestinians, their refugee status is never lost, and they remain eligible for UNRWA subsidies. In effect, Palestinians are not required to assume responsibility for their own well-being and resettlement, even though they reside mostly in Judea, Samaria and Gaza or in the Arab world among their co-religionists whose language and culture they share. Certainly, residence in Arab countries such as Jordan, Syria or Lebanon for 60 to 75 years should have resulted in the loss of their refugee status. Those countries should assimilate them.

Third, the desire to maintain the refugee status of Palestinian Arabs forever stems from UNRWA’s primary purpose. It perceives its role as integral to the fight for Israel’s destruction and disappearance. It is not just that UNRWA regularly incites against Israel and has participated in acts of terror. UNRWA inculcates a narrative of victimization and permanent grievance that can never be assuaged except by violence against Israel.

U.S. President Donald Trump said he would halt U.S. contributions to UNRWA, as he did in his first term, which then amounted to 17% of the agency’s budget, or $371 million. It is time that UNRWA be shuttered entirely. To incentivize this, Washington should threaten to reduce its contribution to the United Nations itself for the exact amount the international body spends on UNRWA, which is now upward of $2 billion.

It’s time for new thinking and new approaches. In the wake of the Trump initiative to relocate Palestinians in Gaza elsewhere in the Middle East so they can begin new and productive lives, UNRWA becomes even more superfluous.

As long as UNRWA exists and Palestinian Arabs perceive themselves as eternal wards of the world, they will retain their fantasy of destroying Israel. UNRWA will never disband itself; it is one of the world’s foremost boondoggles. Its disbandment by the United Nations can only help promote a better life for Palestinian Arabs and a more peaceful world.

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Echoes of the Past

Posted on January 28, 2025 | Comments Off on Echoes of the Past

(First published at Israelnationalnews.com)

One of the negotiators of the catastrophic Gilad Shalit deal (one kidnapped soldier exchanged for 1027 Arab terrorists, including Yahye Sinwar) said something mindboggling on the radio recently. He opined that the Shalit deal “was a terrible mistake, and I would do it again.”  

It is hard to wrap the mind around that level of dysfunction, and yet, that mindset is quite prevalent in Israel today, and I am wondering why. Many people state unabashedly that the current hostage deal demonstrates how much Israelis “sanctify life.” That is true, except when we consider the price we paid in murdered Jews for the Shalit deal and the price we will pay in murdered Jews for the newly released murderers among us. We sanctify life in the present and sacrifice life in the future. We cherish the individual while putting society at risk. It is arguable if such constitutes the sanctification of life or the desecration of life. When we choose to disregard the obvious and inevitable effects of our actions, time and again, we should stop comforting ourselves on the extent to which we cherish life and instead question our wisdom, sanity, and desire to survive as a nation. Arab terrorists recognize that there is no chance we will execute them, little chance they will serve their full sentences, and full knowledge that they will be financially rewarded, and handsomely, by their leaders for their crimes. So why wouldn’t they try to murder more Jews?

The irony is that Hamas made a huge tactical error in murdering so many Jews on October 7. It cost them world popularity, at least in the short term. For a brief moment, Israel was graciously granted the right of self-defense, if only for a brief moment. In due course, Jew haters and their Western enablers recovered their evil equilibrium, and almost instantly, branded Israel as the aggressor, perpetrators of genocide, and other canards. Undoubtedly, our enemies’ future raids will focus less on murdering Jews than on kidnapping Jews because they realize that our society cannot handle it and will literally pay any price, even in ever-escalating torrents of our own blood. Surely Hezbollah has received that bloodcurdling message loud and clear.

It is interesting that, to my knowledge, Donald Trump has not mentioned the release of thousands of Arab terrorists and the attendant consequences of that folly, past, present, and future. In his mind, the deal is ceasefire for innocent hostages, including Israeli withdrawals from territory we repeatedly won at the cost of our soldiers’ lives. The exchange of innocents for terrorists is the humiliating part of the deal, effectively equates the two groups – in itself, a moral obscenity – and, as we have seen, is the face of victory for the Arabs. It may be painful for us to accept this truth, but presently the Arabs are happy with the outcome of their invasion and massacre. They murdered Jews, the Jewish army is being forced to withdraw from Gaza, they do not care about their own loss of life or destruction of property, and they have won freedom for their imprisoned murderers, now free to murder again.

Those Israelis who associate the release of our hostages with “victory” are deluding themselves, and many intentionally because of their hatred of our government. The release of our hostages is not the face of victory. It is the face of “status quo,” merely restoring the situation that existed on October 6 when they weren’t hostages. If the world perceives – as it does – an exchange of “our prisoners” for “their prisoners,” we only have ourselves to blame. Instead of the raucous celebrations trumpeted in the media, we should feel much like the recipient of a heart transplant. The patient lives, and the family rejoices, but someone had to die for that patient to live. It is indeed heartwarming to witness their freedom – they all have been given a new lease on life – but many did not survive, many died trying to free them and secure our future, and many will die in the future, G-d forbid, as a result of this ill-fated deal.

So why do we never learn from the past? Why do keep making the same mistakes repeatedly?

We rely on certain shibboleths in this society, among them how much we cherish life. There are others. We will pay price to bring a Jew to a Jewish burial, except when we don’t, as with Elie Cohen or Ron Arad. We will never leave anyone on the battlefield, except when we do, as with the aforementioned or Jonathan Pollard. Israel will not negotiate with terrorists, true decades ago but demonstrably false since the days of Oslo. Israel leads the world in negotiating, and negotiating poorly, with terrorists. Yet, I believe that our irrational response to these trying times is rooted in something far deeper than the catchwords that soothe our pain.

The State of Israel arose out of the ashes of the Holocaust. To be sure, the movement for Jewish statehood began long before the Holocaust, but it is undeniable that the Holocaust was a prime catalyst for Israel coming into being when it did. In essence, Israel was created not just in response to the Holocaust, but in the self-definition of the founders, Israel was the anti-Holocaust. The new Israeli Jew was the diametric opposite of the exile Jews, who were slaughtered in the millions without much resistance, passively, helpless.

Israel was supposed to be the antidote to the Holocaust, the promise that “never again” would Jews be gunned down en masse, forced to hide in closed rooms, attics, sheds, trees, bushes, and ditches. “Never again” would Jews be vulnerable and defenseless, tortured and incinerated, carted off by gleeful and malevolent foes to their deaths or at least an uncertain future. Never again! A functioning Jewish government with a powerful Jewish army would protect Jews from the helplessness that typified the exile Jew.

That Israeli self-image was shattered by the Hamas invasion of October 7. That day was the Holocaust reborn, if only, mercifully, for one day. Sure, there were no death camps – but before the Nazis constructed the death camps, the Einsatzgruppen – the SS paramilitary squads – rained their terror on Jews, going from village to village and house to house searching for Jews, ultimately murdering more than one million of the six million Jews murdered in the Holocaust.

The Einsatzgruppen in the guise of Hamas terrorists were reincarnated for one day – October 7 – even as we know from their own words that they would love to do it again and plan an encore. On that day, Jews hid by the thousands in barns and sheds and any place that would conceal them from the ravenous wolves who pursued them. Thousands of Jews ran for their lives from the bullets and bombs of our enemies, and hundreds were gunned down in cold blood. Many were tortured, humiliated, violated, and kidnapped. We even had our partisans spring into action – Jews by the thousands who raced down to Gaza on that holy and sad day to save their fellow Jews, repel the enemy, and defend the nation of Israel. The Arab-Nazis demonstrated the same frenzied hatred of Jews as did their German-Nazi antecedents, their efforts lacking only scale and the capacity to murder even more Jews. The evil desire was exactly the same.

What was missing on October 7 was a functioning government and a functioning army – the very tools that we created in order to preclude another Holocaust. Every institution of society collapsed and left us vulnerable to the predations of the enemy, precisely as happened during the Holocaust. The government and the army began to function again in the days after October 7, with purpose, resolve, and direction, if not always with a precise definition of victory and a clear plan to achieve it, notwithstanding the slogans. Hence, the army leadership ruled out the traditional demarcation of victory – conquest and retention of enemy territory and expulsion of a hostile population. Having dismissed that outcome, it left the government incapable of withstanding American pressure – whether from Biden or Trump – and left us susceptible to this recent craven surrender to terror.

The blow to our self-image – Israel as the antithesis to the Holocaust – was so intense that it led us to surrender to terror and, at least for now, undo the successes of the war, all to remove the stain of October 7 through the release of our hostages, notwithstanding the devastating price in blood we are bound to pay. It is as if the specter of the Holocaust weighs so heavily on our minds that victory and a strategic change in our relations with our enemies is superfluous. It was sufficient that we redeem Jewish honor by inflicting massive and deadly force on the enemy and devastating their territory. For many Israelis, not including the families of the hostages, this outcome revives their faith in Israel as the refuge and haven for Jews, the only place on earth where, in their thinking, Jews are safe, as risible as that sounds. This thinking is short-sighted.

The “Israel as haven” trope has been a staple of Zionism since its founding and always a major incentive for Aliyah. Is it time to retire it? Certainly, Israel is a haven for Jews, and unlike during the Holocaust, Israel enabled us to take the war to our enemies and show them our righteous ferocity in defense of our lives and homeland. Yet, the Torah never promises us that we will be safe in Israel, only that “if you obey My statutes and observe My commandments… you will dwell safely in your land” (Vayikra 26:3,5). G-d gave us the land of Israel not so we should be safe but so that here we will create a “kingdom of priests and a holy nation.” Safety is not the purpose. A holy state in a holy land is the purpose.

October 7 was such a shock to the Israeli self-image and awakened in all of us the latent insecurities of exile Jews that it has rightly caused many Israelis to turn inward, to seek a deeper connection to G-d, Torah, and the Jewish people, to find meaning amid the chaos, corruption, and cruelty. Our self-image has to change. The world offers us no sympathy for being victims. Indeed, more people than we can imagine delight in victimizing Jews. We do not yearn to survive only so that we might survive; we yearn to survive because G-d has given us a life of purpose, a message for mankind, and mandated that we prepare the world for His kingdom. We are an eternal people not because we say we are but because the Eternal G-d has willed it, and because His Torah to which we are faithful is also eternal.

When we realize the nature of our destiny, we will no longer consider the Holocaust as a burden or the State of Israel as the Holocaust inverted. A people of destiny will make better decisions, spiritually and politically, and we will merit to hasten our redemption and the redemption of all mankind.

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Has Anything Changed?

Posted on January 17, 2025 | 8 comments

(First published at Israelnationalnews.com)

For all the government hype, spin, and bluster since October 8, 2023, in the end, has anything changed? The current hostage deal would seem to indicate that the conceptziya is alive and well. This is not the agreement of either a victorious nation or a nation poised for victory in six weeks. Hamas is not defeated. Gaza will continue to pose a security threat to Israeli citizens, and all the hostages will likely not be released. For why would Hamas release all of them? Hamas is evil but not foolish. The hostages are Hamas’ best asset, because Hamas knows its incarceration of Israeli hostages leads our people and government to act emotionally, which is to say self-destructively and recklessly.

There will be joy at the release of the freed hostages, at least by the families of those released. I will feel relief, not joy. The joy will appear on the faces of the Arabs who have once again seen their psychopath-terrorists murder Jews and literally get away with it., They will be whooping it up, handing out sweets, and plotting their next massacre of an “unwise and foolish people” (Devarim 32:6). Indeed, I imagine this is the same feeling that Jews had after the Holocaust when the survivors were liberated – not joy but relief. How can there have been joy, knowing what they suffered in captivity, knowing how many did not survive?

Relief, not joy, but at least when the Holocaust survivors were freed, the Nazis were defeated. Here, in our case, we have empowered these Nazis to fight and murder us another day, we have even emptied our prisons of more homicidal Nazis so they should be able to resume their life’s work of murdering Jews. Imagine winning the release of survivors by granting freedom to Goebbels, Goring, Hoess and Eichmann. That is our choice, and our fate.

Today, ours is not the face of victory. Have we squandered the lives of our precious soldiers just to restore the status quo of October 6, 2023? Have we elated our enemies just because we think that now Trump and the Americans will give us a free hand to destroy Iran’s nuclear facilities? Most importantly, if the war resumes after the end of the cease fire, how many our soldiers will be killed once again conquering the same swaths of Gaza, now fully booby-trapped and mined? Why would any soldier want to go back there, especially knowing how ephemeral are any gains we make and how permanent is their loss of life?

For all the talk, we will still be prolonging the war and strengthening our enemies by lavishing even more provisions on these “innocent civilians,” not one of whom embraced Israel’s offer of $5,000,000 and free passage in exchange for information leading to the return of our hostages. The war is still managed by defeatists in the General Staff and the intelligence services, who still want to mow the lawn and prepare for another battle in this endless war, despite Hamas now on the brink of defeat. Just like in the Second Lebanon War, we are still sending our soldiers – our finest youth – to be killed and maimed seizing territory on Monday that we will surrender to the enemy on Thursday. For what? For what did they die? And we wonder why Haredim refuse to serve in an army that, too often – it is painful to say – is cavalier about the lives of our soldiers, refusing to bomb from the air buildings where no civilians should be, forcing our soldiers to serve as sitting ducks for the enemy, and still refusing to cut off food, water, electricity, and internet from our enemies.

We are still being lied to by our government. As I wrote during the first week of the war, defeating Hamas and freeing all our hostages are both worthy objectives but they are incompatible absent a miracle, and yet those goals are still being trumpeted as realistic and impending. The opposition, meanwhile, is still focused on toppling Netanyahu, with victory over our foes and freedom for the hostages merely secondary considerations. The streets are still filled with protesters who contrive fears of a Netanyahu dictatorship while obviously, and vehemently, preferring an actual judicial dictatorship, notwithstanding that the former is subject to elections while the latter is not and wishes simply to perpetuate its power by any means necessary.

After all the promises of “absolute victory,” and after PM Netanyahu demonstrated resilience and resolve such as he had never exhibited before as prime minister, he reverted to form, caved under pressure, and snatched defeat from the jaws of victory. Certainly, we were – and are – traumatized by the invasion and massacre of October 7, but few lessons have been learned. Pressure from Biden or Trump should be meaningless if they weaken our core values and interests. That is how independent nations act: they define their interests and do everything to achieve them. True resolve causes even the most intense pressure to dissipate. Israel has never learned that lesson, which is why we have suffered consistent diplomatic defeats for more than fifty years, and time and again, we rehabilitate and strengthen our enemies.

We still fall for Hamas’ psychological mind games – dangling hostage videos, murdering some, threatening others – all to achieve their aims, which they do. We know these are their tactics – and yet we still succumb to them. (Hamas demanded the release of more than one thousand of their terrorists? Why aren’t some of them being returned in body bags, like too many of our hostages?) We are easily manipulated, our enemies know it, and so they do it repeatedly. We learned nothing from the disastrous Shalit deal – nothing. That lopsided and immoral exchange not only murdered hundreds of us in the ensuing years but also guaranteed that the enemy would try to seize more hostages again, because, why not? It works. And it will work again in the future because the release of murderers in exchange for innocent civilians incentivizes the enemy to do it again. And again. The prattle about not releasing any of the murderers from the October 7 massacre in this round only guarantees that there will be future hostage-taking to win their freedom. Has anything changed?

It would be more plausible if many of those who disseminate the canard that “pidyon shvuyim,” the ransoming of captives, is the most important mitzvah in the Torah actually understood the concept, and perhaps even observed some of the other mitzvot in the Torah. (What the Sages meant is that “ransoming captives” is the highest form of tzedakah because it encompasses all dimensions of that mitzvah.) And as is well known to those who open a Gemara, we do not ransom hostages “for more than their value, for the betterment of the world” (Gittin 45a) because “overpaying” will ultimately bankrupt the community and encourage more hostage-taking. We do exactly what the Gemara says not to do, and obviously to our detriment.

Releasing bloodthirsty murderers is not just the “difficult price” we must pay, as the senseless and repetitive cliché uttered by numerous commentators and politicians puts it. It is not moral; it is immoral, because it has, does, and will put many others at risk. We do not endanger the entire community to save a small group. It is well meaning but also flat out stupid. And we need not speculate that this release might endanger the rest of us. It will! It always has. Terrorists leave our prisons more hardened and more hateful of Jews than they entered, and even more contemptuous of us because they know our weaknesses and how we cannot overcome them. More of us will be murdered, and still others of us will be taken hostage in the future. The only thing we don’t know are the names of the future victims.

Have we learned anything? Aryeh Deri announced that he would support “any deal.” And what if Hamas demanded that Yeshiva students must serve in the IDF? Would he pay that “difficult price”? Haredim should be embarrassed that they largely shirk army service but what is almost as embarrassing, this refusal has compromised their ability to present a true Torah view on “ransoming captives.” They lack any credibility, as they necessarily must prefer any option that does not involve the military in which they do not serve. That means you, Degel HaTorah, which has been forced to furl that flag and, in the process, muted the voice of Torah.

We are still tormented by a legal and judicial establishment that prioritizes the lives of our enemies over our own and which fetishizes the chimera known as “international law,” all progressive doctrines that favor the evildoers in any conflict and render victory impossible for those foolish enough to be guided by it. We are supposed to be the “light unto the nations.” We are the ones who should be teaching the true ethics of war to the world – not vice versa. We should be proudly and unabashedly disseminating the Torah’s ethic of war and not constraining ourselves by absurd moral notions concocted by human beings that cannot produce a better, more just world. Indeed, since the first Geneva Conventions were adopted in 1864, the world has experienced in the last 160 years unprecedented carnage and brutality. We have learned nothing from the evildoers’ exploitation of “international law,” that has effectively deprived the West of winning any war since World War II.

 We have learned nothing from the Oslo debacle, from the Gaza Expulsion catastrophe, from the half-hearted waging of the Second Lebanon War and the various eruptions in Gaza, from the “hostages for terrorists” exchanges now four decades old, and from our reluctance, even fear, of acknowledging the true character of our enemies and dealing with that reality. When the next attack comes – and it will – and we suffer again, and go to war again, we will be accompanied yet again by the same false promises, the same lofty words, the same “together we will win!” – even as we disdain any plan for real victory.

We are victims of a terrible failure of vision, and of leadership, in the government and the opposition, in the upper echelons of the military and legal establishments. This deal is a classic example of “stage one thinking,” a visceral reaction that does not consider “stage two,” the real-world consequences of that emotional decision. Watch the glee on the faces of our enemies – and the agony on ours – and determine who thinks they won, and who thinks they lost.

It is especially galling that we take pride in our humiliation. Our enemies have not been deterred. They have been emboldened, inspired, and heartened by our surrender. They do not care about life – even their own. They care about murdering Jews and destroying the State of Israel, and we – wittingly or unwittingly – are abetting them.

Sadly, nothing has really changed. As a nation, we have been repeatedly let down by our leaders. The only redeeming value of the current government is that any potential replacement would be far worse. That is our fate – and a good reason we pray daily for judges and counsellors as of old, those who can hasten the coming of Moshiach and the kingdom of G-d on earth. May Moshiach come soon and may Hashem in His mercy spare us the harshest consequences of our folly.

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We the People

Posted on January 8, 2025 | 1 comment

(First published at Israelnationalnews.com)

Israelis do not usually agree on much but there is consensus on two related issues. Most Israelis feel there is a need for a commission of inquiry to investigate the catastrophic Hamas invasion of October 7, 2023 and its aftermath, and most Israelis feel that such a commission of inquiry will not be objective, impartial, or fair. Hence the stalemate – and both points have substantial merit.

Obviously, the systemic breakdowns that allowed the invasion, massacre, torture, and hostage-taking to occur – an epic failure – need to be scrutinized if only to preclude a future recurrence. Yet, there is no foreseeable circumstance in which an objective tribunal can be formed because there is no element of military, political, and judicial apparatus that is untainted, and no establishment organ that has clean hands in this disaster. Any investigation will necessarily seek to deflect blame from the sponsors of the investigation, point fingers at the “other,” and exploit the conclusions for crass electoral purposes. The blameworthy are being asked to investigate themselves, a pattern familiar to Israel and occurring now in the purported investigation by the military prosecutor’s office of the military prosecutor’s office and its alleged fabrication of evidence in the Sde Teiman fiasco.

Who is guiltless in the wake of the Hamas massacre? Certainly not the military leadership who failed to anticipate the invasion or respond to the initial encroachments effectively. Israel’s vaunted intelligence – whose craftiness and ingenuity have been astonishing in the last year – failed miserably in the weeks before October 7. Repeated reports by the reconnaissance scouts of unusual Hamas activity as late as the morning of October 7 were studiously ignored. Vital intelligence was not passed up the chain of command, and definitely not to the political decision-makers, another recurring phenomenon in Israel. The military’s embrace of a small, smart army relying on technology was an abject failure. The few generals and commanders who vocally objected to the complacency and indifference were edged aside, reassigned, or dismissed. Groupthink prevailed and the echo chamber was deafening. Accountability will not be readily forthcoming, a disservice to our dedicated soldiers whose bravery and professionalism will inspire generations to come.

Led by the military’s analysts, the political class assumed that Hamas was deterred and would not dare to attack. The politicians, including the Prime Minister (but notably excluding some of the leading Religious Zionist leaders), were guilty of abetting Hamas, allowing unrestricted funding, building, plotting, and finally execution of Hamas’ nefarious plans. The politicians failed in one of the most basic calculations in military strategy – fighting a definite war today with X casualties versus fighting a potential war in the near future with 5X casualties. The “quiet for quiet” gambit was an abysmal failure. They all guessed wrong and for more than a decade, letting Hamas fester and its capabilities metastasize, with devastating consequences to life, health, families, and not least to the Israeli psyche.

Few objected to the Hamas buildup, with prominent exceptions, among others, Betzalel Smotrich and Michael ben Ari, with the latter even being banned from political life. Almost every political party left, right, and center, has a role in this debacle, including the Haredi parties whose repudiation of military service for their constituents leaves them without a coherent or credible voice on security-related matters. Of course, Binyamin Netanyahu shares this guilt as well – but so does almost every other conceivable candidate for prime minister for the next decade. The conceptziya devoured an entire generation of Israeli generals and politicians, even as they try to avoid the day of reckoning.

The mainstream media are also culpable, for unquestioningly parroting the establishment views, and especially for their relentless and obsessive hatred of PM Netanyahu as the gravest threat to the Israeli polity. As it turned out, they were wrong: the gravest threat to the Israeli polity was located in Gaza, and Lebanon, and Syria, and Iran, and in the Arabs of Judea and Samaria. The media also misconstrued the temporary calm in Gaza as something permanent and irrevocable and favored short-term solutions to Israel’s military challenges so as to better focus on their most important agenda item: getting rid of Netanyahu.

The legal and judicial establishment – particularly those nominally charged with appointing a commission of inquiry – is also guilty. They are guilty of micromanaging the IDF’s response to everything, guilty of favoring the lives of terrorists and enemy civilians over the well-being of our own soldiers, guilty of tying the army’s hands, and guilty of persecuting the Prime Minister over legal and literal nonsense. The Attorney General has assumed dictatorial powers, with the entire land of Israel her fiefdom. The military advocates allowed the enemy to approach the Gaza border unmolested, continue to hamstring the soldiers and are also anti-Netanyahu activists. Is there any chance their culpability will be exposed? Not as long as the judges play a role – or actually participate – in any investigation. And the Kaplan protesters redefined democracy – now construed as “rule by the self-appointed elites” – and desperately, illegally, and occasionally violently protect the hegemony of the legal and judicial establishment in defiance of all democratic norms.

At the risk of offending readers, another component of society is also responsible for this calamity – we the people. We the people who prefer an illusory calm to dealing with real threats, we the people who seek quick fixes (and encourage the politicians to do the same, even as their popularity continues to be foolishly measured in weekly polls), we the people who supported the Oslo cataclysm and the Gaza expulsion, we the people who would rather be soothed by the elegant words of false prophets of “peace now” than confront the harsh reality of the neighborhood in which we live, we the people who might again be seduced by lullabies sung to us by whoever succeeds Mahmoud Abbas, we the people whose rabid support for political parties and personalities rather than ideas and policies mimics the fervor of football fans and their favorite teams.

Who can judge, when everyone is guilty, including the judges?

Perhaps, then, we should learn a lesson from Yosef. Ramban, the venerated biblical commentator, assumed that Yaakov never found out what happened to Yosef (Commentary to Breisheet 45:27). How is that even possible – wasn’t he curious, didn’t he ask, wasn’t he told?

It seems that Yosef sent Yaakov a clue at their very first interaction: “And [Yaakov} saw the wagons that Yosef sent” (ibid), on which Rashi comments, utilizing the play on words of agalot (wagons) and eglot (heifers), “Yosef informed Yaakov of the religious subject he had been studying with his father at the time when he left him, to wit, the section of the axed heifer.”

The symbolism is dramatic. As the Torah relates (Devarim 21:1-9), a heifer has its neck broken as part of the rite accompanying the expiation of an unsolved murder – a crime for which there was only a victim but no accused, no evidence, and no witnesses. In that scenario, it is the society that assumes the guilt, not any individual or faction. This was a subtle message to Yaakov not to investigate what happened to Yosef. In essence, Yosef told Yaakov we are all guilty – you for favoring me, me for disrespecting my brothers, they for selling me. The fewer details you know, the better, because our society could not survive a fair and complete investigation. No one will walk away unscathed. The same is true today. Even if three unbiased people could be found in the entire country, the elitists will never allow an investigation whose conclusions are not preordained.

To be sure, there must be an investigation at a certain point of the October 7 devastation, if only to draw operational conclusions of what went wrong, why, and how the flawed process can be rectified. Future military and intelligence leaders must ensure that their ranks are filled with a diversity of views, especially views that challenge conventional wisdom. And there needs to be reflection on the goals we seek to achieve as a society, given our enemies across the region and our profound yearning for peace – so profound that it has often engendered the pursuit of fantasies and illusions and a headlong rush from reality. Those goals should feature the creation of a more Jewish state, a nation proud of our uniqueness and our identity, something that ironically the war has catapulted to center stage.

There will come a time when the assumption of personal and collective responsibility will be in order, without such being bogged down in politics. That time is not now. The rival committees now investigating will do little other than stoke the flames of discord by pointing the finger of guilt at their respective political adversaries. There will be an unseemly search for convenient scapegoats and a mad scramble to avoid personal responsibility. For now, it suffices to say, as Yosef implied, we are one nation, we all have much to regret, we all have much we did wrong, we all have much to be proud of – and we all have a grand and majestic destiny to which we look forward.

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