AGUNA UPDATE

Please be advised that the miscreant previously addressed in this space(https://rabbipruzansky.com/2012/02/28/sad-tragic-insane/) can now be identified as (name deleted) of (deleted), Florida. He has most recently been located as living, despite his relative youth,  with one (deleted).

A seruv for refusing to give his wife a Get after being so directed by Bet Din was issued by the Beth Din of America, and signed by HaRav Gedalia Dov Schwartz on March 29, 2012. (Deleted) is now in violation of the seruv and is thus continuing to tpersecute and abuse his wife. Any social pressure – known as the harchakot of Rabbenu Tam – that can be applied to convince (Deleted) to do the right thing and give his wife a Get would be most welcome and a virtuous act. (Deleted) harbors the delusion that his ex-wife (they are already divorced civilly) really, secretly, wants him back. Anyone who can disabuse him of this madness would be doing a great Mitzva. It is unfathomable, but there have been a number of small congregations in South Florida that have in the past hired (Deleted) as their rabbi/baal koreh. He has been fired from some of these positions, but it is wholly inappropriate, a grave violation of Jewish law and an absolute farce for any congregation to allow this (Deleted)to read the Torah for them or to in any way function as a “rabbi.”

As anticipated, (Deleted) has again commenced a campaign of slander and vilification against me. He has attempted as well to intimidate the other dayanim, and also to find rabbis who in their contempt for women will rationalize his repugnant behavior. I laugh at his attempts, and I – in the name of the Bet Din – urge him to give his wife a Get as directed, do the right thing, move on with his life, behave as a decent Jew to his ex-wife and his children, and contribute something meaningful to society. All these attacks on me and others will be worthwhile on the day that (Deleted) frees his wife from the torment to which he has subjected her for several years.

May Hashem bless all those who can help unchain this aguna.

-RSP

Pesach: An End to Victimhood

(First published as on Op-ed in the Jewish Press, March 28, 2012)

The Midrash (Shmot Raba 18:12) describes “leil shimurim”, the “night of watching,” the night before the redemption, as one of the glorious nights in Jewish history. Not only did we eat the Korban Pesach, have the first seder and prepare to depart the land of Egypt, but also it later became the night that Chizkiyahu, Chanania, Mishael, Azaria, Daniel and others were saved – and the night on which “Moshiach and Eliyahu mitgadlin,”on which they are elevated, become great – or according to another text, the night they are mitgalim – revealed. But what does it mean that on these days they are magnified or revealed?

It is not as if they actually appear. The Gemara says in Eruvin 43a that if a person vows to become a Nazir on whatever day Moshiach comes, then he is allowed to drink wine on every Shabbat and Yom Tov because Moshiach obviously does not come on those days. Furthermore, “we have been promised that Moshiach will not come on the eve of Shabbat or Yom Tov either, because of the inconvenience” – people are busy preparing for those holy days! So how then are Moshaich and Eliyahu exalted or revealed at the seder if they cannot come?

The Jewish people left Egypt at high noon on 15 Nisan 3334 years ago, but Egypt did not leave us for a much longer period of time. At the Red Sea, we reacted like a nation of slaves, and throughout our sojourn in the wilderness, we exhibited a slave mentality – bemoaning our fate, and glamorizing and/or understating the travails of Egypt. We were told four days before the Exodus to take the deities of Egypt and to slaughter them on the 14th, in full sight of the Egyptians – to show our inner strength and our relief from Egyptian domination, to show that we have broken away from the psychological stranglehold they had on us. It did not completely succeed. We were ill-equipped for freedom, and understandably so. Slavery, persecution, dehumanization, and extermination take their toll on the psyche. Victims do not recover instantly or easily. It takes time to wean out of our system the lingering effects of maltreatment, and until then, victimization is comfortable. It becomes an excuse for every failure, every inaction, and sometimes for every misdeed.

We all marvel at Holocaust survivors who were left with nothing material, and were able to rebuild, and prosper, and overcome the torments they endured. But a steep price is still paid – sometimes for individuals, and even greater as a nation. Too many people who are beaten down become comfortable as victims and uncomfortable with power. For too long, we have competed in the arena of victimhood, and love even more the sympathy that is engendered by our suffering. There are plenty of Jews who are more comfortable with grief and mourning than with strength and the projection of power. Many proclaim at the seder “in every generation they come upon us to destroy us” as a badge of victimhood, and not as intended, in gratitude to G-d who has preserved us throughout history. We have built dozens of Holocaust memorials across the world, which certainly serve a purpose for us, but do not keep one Jew Jewish and certainly has done little to diminish the level of Jew-hatred in the world. We may think our victimhood is unique – and it is – but tell that to the Kurds or Armenians or Cambodians or Sudanese or Russians. These days, even Germans and Austrians claim to be victims of the Nazis. In this macabre competition, there are no winners.

The State of Israel was supposed to put an end to the glories of victimization – but it hasn’t entirely. The fact that the only innocent civilians in the world that are routinely targeted by random rockets are the Jews in Israel’s south – with little inclination to put a final end to it – only shows that victims talk it into themselves that victimhood is everlasting and unchangeable. The Iron Dome system, while a technological marvel that is mindboggling in its ingenuity and capacity, is the ultimate defensive system. Rather than disarm and permanently disable the shooter, it attempts to shoot a bullet out of the air with another bullet. Even if it succeeds most of the time – remarkable in itself – it fails as a stable strategy because the incoming rockets still require the ordinary citizen to cower in bomb shelters, lest a missile manage to sneak through. Thus, lives are still disrupted, children are still traumatized, and society is still terrorized. It is like a physician who treats the symptoms but not the disease.

It is hard to imagine another country putting up with similar attacks for as long as Israel has and is, because it is inconceivable. Ultimately, the hand of the shooter must be stayed, or the enemy will devise ways to defeat even the Iron Dome. And that will only energize the cult of victimization.

How are Moshiach and Eliyahu “elevated and revealed” at the seder? Not because they appear – they do not, and cannot, appear. But the seder begins with the original account of our victimization – “we were slaves to Pharaoh in Egypt”- but then we transcend it, celebrating “our redemption and the salvation of our souls,” our physical and spiritual liberation. That intends to point us away from bitterness and self-pity and towards redemption, gratitude, faith, independence, personal responsibility and the promises of the future. Moshiach and Eliyahu can only redeem a people that is proud and defiant – a people that are leaders not slaves, optimistic and not gloomy, self-confident and not timid. Moshiach and Eliyahu together reflect the zenith of our national life – and thus are “revealed” at the seder. We see ourselves not as victims anymore, but as G-d’s chosen people. We see ourselves as victims never again. That perception is itself redemption.

The joy and freedom that we experience on Pesach is the foretaste of the Messianic era, which calls to us out of the darkness and brings us into the light, that guides us from agony to happiness, from slavery to complete redemption, and to the moment when we will indeed greet Moshiach and Eliyahu in person, in the rebuilt Holy City of Yerushalayim, speedily and in our days.

“Hate Crimes” Hatred

I hate “hate crimes” with a passion, and I hate “hate crimes legislation” almost as much. The notion of increased penalties for thoughts and motivations, while politically correct and unpopular to oppose, runs afoul of traditional American values. In free countries, we are punished for what we do, not for what we think or feel.

The simple fact is that it should make no difference who the victim of a crime is or even what the motivation of the criminal was. A first-year law student knows that, contrary to the television crime shows, motive is never an element of the crime nor do the police or prosecution have to ascertain a motive in order to arrest, indict or convict. Certainly, the motive is interesting, tells the sordid tale more fully, and may have an impact on sentencing; but for guilt or innocence, we should be judged by behavior that is objectively apparent and not by inner thoughts and emotions that are either murky, or, worse, imputed to the alleged criminal because of the motivations of the political class.

And, yes, I apply the same standard to Jews as to anyone else. People should be prosecuted for their criminal acts, whether the targets are Jews, Christians, whites, blacks, heterosexuals, homosexuals, nice people or bad people. If pushed, I can certainly see a distinction between attacks on houses of worship and other buildings; houses of worship are symbols of particular faiths, much as the president is the symbol of the nation. But beyond that one exception (of which I am not altogether convinced), people are not symbols – people are people, and should be treated as people and not as representatives of any particular class.

Someone who attacks X should be prosecuted and convicted the same as if he attacks Y, even if X and Y are representatives of two different ethnic groups, classes, lifestyles, races, religions, et al. Otherwise, the fabric of American life is undermined (as it has been) by class divisions, special treatment, favoritism under the law, and, most importantly, the insidious struggle to claim the mantle of victimhood and become a member of one of the favored classes. In that macabre competition, most whites (whether Christians or Jews or heterosexuals) need not apply; they simply don’t qualify. Crimes against –these days – blacks, homosexuals, women, and Muslims (to name just a few) have a greater importance, apparently, then crimes against me or you. That concept eradicates the fundamental principle of American life – equality before the law – by making some lives worth more than others and similar crimes heinous or neutral, depending on the identity of the victim.

Two recent cases prove the absurdity of the position. The Rutgers tragedy that resulted in the suicide of a young student filmed in a compromising position drew its intensity from the accusation that the roommate – the invader of the victim’s privacy – was motivated by bias and hatred towards the particular grouping to which the victim belonged. But the evidence of such motivation – indeed, any motivation greater than voyeurism, immaturity and nastiness – was slim. Apparently, the prosecution unearthed an email or two that had pejorative language, but that was offset by many other statements of either tolerance or indifference. No matter; the die was cast and the rights of the victim – a member of one of the favored classes – had to be avenged, not only his death but the “hatred” that caused it. That seems a thin reed on which to find bias or base prosecutions, because, undoubtedly, bias would have been alleged even if no such email or statement had ever been uncovered. There is simply a presumption of prejudice whenever a victim hails from one of the protected classes. And go prove that you are not prejudiced.

The more recent tragedy in Sanford, Florida is typical of this genre. An unarmed black teenager was killed by a Hispanic neighborhood watch officer who thought the teen looked suspicious, was acting suspiciously, and fit the profile of perpetrators of recent criminal activity in the neighborhood.  The saddest aspect of this event, aside from the death, is what seems to be the obvious and disastrous misunderstanding that took place. The killer (who should have backed off) seemed to think that the victim was a potential criminal, while the black victim felt that he was being stalked by the Hispanic. Both felt endangered. It didn’t help when – and these facts are only emerging slowly and inconclusively – the two got into an altercation that left the Hispanic beaten and bloodied and the black man dead.

But for the tragedy and the enormous pain caused the family of the victim, the attempt to portray the killer as a “white” would amuse. The NY Times even called him a “white Hispanic,” a locution not ordinarily seen in the media, even though he looks like most Hispanics. But a Hispanic killing a black does not fit the narrative of “white racism” and so the facts had to be contorted to fit some acceptable narrative. Even with the publicity surrounding the case and the identity of the killer, the racial hucksters are still embracing the “hate crime” trope, because that is their stock in trade,  that is how they rile up the troops, and that is how they hope to have the killer incarcerated despite his claims (not implausible) of self-defense.

There is something ludicrous, beyond the limits of farce, in seeing the Reverend (ordination at age 4) Al Sharpton beating the “hate crimes” drums in this case – the same Al Sharpton who orchestrated the Tawana Brawley hoax and publicly accused white prosecutor Steven Pagones of the crime (!) without a shred of evidence, was found liable for libel – and never paid a nickel, not being gainfully employed by American standards (allegedly, the damages were paid by friends, but poor Pagones had his life ruined). Naturally, Sharpton never apologized but in the peculiar double standard that is spawned by the mindset that engender “hate crimes” legislation, Sharpton is exempt from his despicable conduct and has become a public celebrity. These days, to mention Brawley, Pagones and the case itself just indicates racism on the part of the questioner. In effect, Sharpton is exempted from the consequences of his prior false accusation because of the fear that he will lodge new, false accusations.

Thus the nation is distracted from the disturbing reality that, for sure, played a key role in the Florida teen’s death – the suspicion with which he was held because of the disproportionate percentage of crimes committed by young blacks. It is something that a Sharpton would deny but responsible black leaders – mostly conservatives – recognize. Approximately 50% of the incarcerated murderers in the United States are black, and most of their victims are black. Black-on-black crime in America is an epidemic – 95% of murdered blacks are murdered by other blacks, less than 5% by others, including whites – but those murders go unremarked in the media. It is the rare exception – white-on-black crime – that garners attention, even producing the distortion of conflating whites and Hispanics. It is hard to recall any of the professional racial hucksters denouncing the black homicide rate in the black community, or the decimation of the black family, or the astonishing number of young blacks in America in prison or on probation. There is no money, white guilt, or publicity in that.

Similarly, one would be hard pressed to recall when a black-on-white assault was prosecuted as a “hate crime.” Many murders of Jews – Yankel Rosenbaum’s stands out – that were obviously bias attacks were not prosecuted as such. There should be equal justice before the law – no special victims and no prosecution by the thought police. Crimes against all should be prosecuted, period. Crimes. Not intentions or motivations. Every person’s blood is equally red and his life is equally precious.

Rush To Judgment

The difference between Rush Limbaugh and Bill Maher is that in his intemperate remarks, Rush broke today’s one inviolate rule of American life while Maher did not. But first a note on the similarities, and they are extraordinary.

It has been well-reported that Rush has been castigated for his name-calling while Maher has been given a free pass. Even administration officials attempted to distinguish the two by terming Maher a “comedian” while Rush a “Republican leader.” Neither vessel holds any water. Rush is a commentator and activist whose policy prescriptions are not heeded as often as his opponents presume.  Maher tries to be a comedian (he’s not on my viewing schedule, so I missed his recent vulgar iterations), but, then again, so did Al Franken. Franken still tries to be a comedian, but he sits in the US Senate. And Maher insists on being taken seriously as a political commentator and thinker.

The truth is that both Rush and Maher are “entertainers” in the sense that both depend on ratings for the survival of their mediums. If Rush were only about politics, then George F. Will could just as well sit behind the microphone; if Maher were only about comedy, Jerry Seinfeld could do a better job. Putting both in the most favorable light possible, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that Rush tries to entertain as he informs, and Maher tries to inform as he entertains. They are actually quite similar, except for their messages, which are polar opposites. (Has anyone noticed that if Ma-her is enunciated, it means “Rush” in Hebrew?)

The excuse that Maher degrades public figures while Rush assaulted a private citizen is facile. There was no “private citizen” in the latter case. That 30 year-old law student purposefully made herself into a public figure by volunteering to testify before Congress, giving media interviews, and making herself the poster girl for adult women who feel that other people should pay for the contraception. And who said the ridicule of even political candidates is, or should be, acceptable? Maher’s insults of Republican women are gratuitous, and completely unrelated to their policies and views. It is juvenile behavior at its worst, and seamiest.

Rush’s language was adolescent and offensive – worse because he distracted from the issue and undermined his arguments – but at least there was a point buried in his heavy-handedness. Which was: there is no possible way to perceive the use of contraception by an unmarried woman that is not unchaste (except when medically indicated, which is already provided for free by insurance plans). Whether she has one lover or many is not my business or concern, and Rush’s language assumed the worst, but the basic point remains: her plea was for society to fund her private immorality.

That was the taboo that Rush broke, for which he duly suffered heaps of scorn. In America today, it is considered impolite – even repugnant – to refer to the traditional morality that guided and inspired mankind for millennia. These moral norms included chastity before marriage, having children while married, and remaining married to the same person for the duration of one’s life “until death do they part.”  Such values have not only been banished from public discourse but they are also ridiculed and maligned – of course, to the great detriment of society. The breakdown of marriage and the exponential rise in out-of-wedlock births (the latter often celebrated in the popular culture) have devastated the American family and left children, born in declining number anyway, without parental role models.

This is not to say that Rush or Maher are ideal spokesmen for traditional morality or the joys of family in any event. Neither has any children, Rush has been married several times and Maher has sworn off marriage. But the beauty of objective moral notions is that they retain their force and attractiveness even in theory, even if their proponents fall short of exemplifying the ideal (as they all do). There is a supreme importance in articulating those values because society benefits from having standards, and from producing a behavioral model that can be held up to children as an aspiration.

Maher was feted in the mass media not just because he is a liberal and an unabashed Obama supporter (and it is the height of hypocrisy for Obama to criticize Rush and not Maher, but he must have a million reasons for making the distinction) but because he rejoices in the death of morality and is paid to be one of its undertakers. He is repulsed by the traditional family, and therefore the Palin’s, Bachmann’s and other women who combine material success with healthy and loving home lives are especially vexing to him. They are what he is not, and they have what he will never have – so his vulgar insults come from a different place entirely, but a place with which the mass entertainment industry is most comfortable. Hence, the adulation he receives and the rationalizations offered for him are quite comprehensible.

In America today, as Rush learned, it is simply unacceptable to term someone else’s behavior “immoral.” It is not that morality is meant to be private but rather that it is meant to be personal, subjective and indefinable. The mere enunciation of moral norms is construed as attempts to “impose” one’s morality on another. Advocates of traditional morality are mocked and derided when they are not altogether being accused of trampling on the freedom of expression and behavior of the other side. But the rejection of objective morality is itself a moral “position” of sorts, and its imposition on the rest of us is onerous.

Thus, for example, forcing a Rutgers student to room with a homosexual was considered normal, even edifying, a great way to teach tolerance and open-mindedness. And the tragic consequences of that arrangement belie the normalization of homosexuality in our society. All the attempts to promote acceptance of that lifestyle as a natural choice, as just an alternate lifestyle with its marriages enshrined in law and celebrated in lore, fail to overcome the “shame” test that bedeviled the young man who committed suicide. It is hard to imagine two heterosexuals caught in the same predicament having the same unfortunate reaction; more likely, given the popular culture, they would have been inclined to sell videos of their encounter.

The point is not to castigate the victim, who surely had the right not to have his privacy invaded and whose death is a tragedy, but rather to underscore the great harm engendered by the deterioration of morality. Only in a society that has abandoned all moral notions could the absurdity of having two such individuals rooming together been considered innocuous. And only a society that has cast off all moral restraints could produce such as the roommate, who got his jollies by publicizing and rejoicing in the degradation of other human beings.

For sure, the Internet has exacerbated the decline of standards by normalizing outlandish views and deviant practices and beliefs. It has certainly lowered the discourse by allowing anonymous people to give vent to emotions and opinions heretofore kept to themselves or a coterie of like-minded eccentrics. It has popularized the short-hand slurs that Rush, Maher and others have taken to the airwaves with predictable, and tendentious, results.

But make no mistake that the castigation of Rush and the glorification of Maher is just another round in the cultural wars that are defining America downward. And worse than the verbal affronts of either person is the relentless attack on traditional morality, which many on the left would love to force underground and discredit entirely. That is the real danger that looms in America that, if unchecked, will render it unrecognizable and unsustainable a few decades hence.