A Vision for a Second Trump Term

by Chaim Silberstein and Rabbi Steven Pruzansky, Esq.

President-elect Donald Trump’s first term was noted for its remarkable accomplishments in stabilizing the Middle East, strengthening Israel’s strategic position, and especially embracing creative thinking and policies that transformed the reality on the ground. Decisions such as recognizing Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and moving the American embassy to Jerusalem paved the way to the historic breakthrough of the Abraham Accords.  All this was achieved largely to the consternation and even dismay of the foreign policy establishment, whose reassertion of traditional diplomacy in the last four years has contributed to the outbreak of violence in this region and other parts of the world.

The proposed nominees for the critical positions that will determine US foreign policy in the coming four years have gratified supporters of Israel. Marco Rubio, Mike Walz, Mike Huckabee and others have been steadfast supporters of a strong Israel that is a genuine friend and trusted ally of the United States. While the plate of any new administration is full, and the most pressing matters in Israel today concern the need for decisive defeats of Hamas and Hezbollah and the return of all Israeli hostages, there are several items worthy of the new administration’s agenda that can solidify the advances made in the first Trump administration and further promote peace and security in the region.

These proposals focus on securing the future of Jerusalem. It should be lost on no one that Hamas called its invasion of Israel on October 7, 2023, the “Al-Aksa Flood,” as it and all Israel’s enemies perceive the conquest of Jerusalem as the ultimate objective. What can be done to reinforce Israeli sovereignty over Jerusalem? There are five proposals, some merely restoration of Trump policy in his first term, others a blueprint for preserving Jerusalem into the future.

First, shutter (again) the US Office of Palestinian Affairs (OPA) in Jerusalem. The OPA functions in violation of American, Israeli, and international law as a quasi-diplomatic mission in the heart of Israel’s capital that deals exclusively with the Palestinian Authority and Palestinian residents of Jerusalem, Judea and Samaria. It reports not to the US Embassy in Jerusalem but directly to the State Department. This mission was closed by President Trump after the embassy was moved to Jerusalem but was reopened by President Biden shortly after he assumed office in 2021 notwithstanding Israel’s objection and denial of recognition.

The OPA encroaches on Israel’s sovereignty and, by bypassing the serving US ambassador to Israel, undermines his effectiveness and the integrity of his mission. As was demonstrated during the first Trump term, handling Palestinian affairs from the US Embassy in Jerusalem is efficient, proper, and comports with international law and diplomatic norms. The OPA should be closed and its activities subsumed by the Embassy.

 Second, restore “Jerusalem, Israel,” as an official place of birth on American passportsFor decades, American citizens living in Israel whose children were born in Jerusalem could not register their child’s place of birth as “Jerusalem, Israel,” due to the State Department’s claim that Jerusalem’s status as part of Israel was disputed. The place of birth was simply recorded as “Jerusalem.”

The US Embassy website in Israel notes: “Applicants born in Jerusalem are able to request either “Jerusalem” or “Israel” as their place of birth (POB) on U.S. passports ….  If you write “Jerusalem, Israel” as the POB on the passport, consular staff will ask you whether you prefer the U.S. passport to be printed with a POB of either “Jerusalem” or “Israel.”

This, too, purports to undermine Israeli sovereignty in Jerusalem and contradicts the spirit of the US recognition of Jerusalem’s as Israel’s capital city. This policy should be repudiated, and US citizens who so desire should be allowed to have their place of birth recorded as “Jerusalem, Israel.”

Third, President Trump should immediately defund UNRWA, as he did in his first term. UNRWA has long outlived its usefulness – it is the only refugee relief organization that seeks to perpetuate refugee status among its beneficiaries – and has been justly accused of being part of the Hamas terror network. Some UNRWA staff members participated in the atrocities of October 7, 2023, and many UNRWA facilities in Gaza harbored terrorists and concealed terror infrastructure. An Israeli court ordered UNRWA’s eviction from its facility in Jerusalem which UNRWA illegally occupied. The United States should support that eviction, halt (again) its funding of UNRWA, and urge the disbandment of the organization and the reassignment of its duties to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees.

Fourth, support the construction of new Jewish neighborhoods within the existing municipal boundaries of Jerusalem especially in the eastern section. The physical footprint of Jerusalem needs to grow in order to accommodate a growing population. There are several areas in Jerusalem’s environs that are available for Jewish residence and the development of new neighborhoods. Examples are Givat Hamatos to the east, Givat Hashaked to the south, and Atarot to the north. There are thousands of dunams available for development that can create housing for hundreds of thousands of new residents.

All these neighborhoods are within Jerusalem’s municipal boundaries. Given the housing crisis in Israel, it is wrong that they remain vacant and undeveloped. President-elect Trump, a real estate maven, can take the lead in supporting these plans and enabling Israel to fulfill its vision for Jerusalem.

Fifth, support Israel’s consideration of the Greater Jerusalem Metropolis Plan. Jerusalem is today’s Israel’s most populous city, and urban and economic expansion are a national priority to ensure the capital’s economic, political and demographic security.

Today Jerusalem is geographically trapped with expansion options limited – Ramallah is to the north, Bethlehem is to the south, there is a ‘green’ ecosystem to the west. So far, the options are to expand vertically in existing expensive neighborhoods. That does not solve the severe problem of lack of affordable housing. Increasing the supply through expanding the municipal borders and establishing large new neighborhoods would significantly reduce prices and, together with increasing job opportunities, help reverse the negative immigration from Jerusalem. Over the past 30 years, over 400,000 Jews have left Jerusalem because of lack of affordable housing and job opportunities.

Incorporating the satellite cities surrounding Jerusalem will be a benefit for all the residents in both areas. It will free up hundreds of thousands of dunams for development of residential, commercial, tourism and leisure industries. Today Jews constitute approximately 60% of the population. Expanding the municipal borders will also contribute to securing its Jewish majority by adding over 200,000 residents to the city. The Greater Jerusalem proposal would include the city of Maalei Adumim to the east of Jerusalem and Gush Etzion to the south, Givat Zeev to the north  and possibly also Mevaseret Zion to the west.

Note that none of the proposals displace even one Arab and essentially just redraw Jerusalem’s municipal boundaries in a way that bolsters Jerusalem as Israel’s capital. Expanding Jerusalem’s municipal boundaries need not impede the final status negotiations that have been a goal of American diplomacy for decades. Similarly, the mere prospect of future negotiations should not leave Jerusalem in permanent limbo unable to develop and flourish because of the veto power over negotiations exercised by Israel’s enemies. This logjam can be broken by creative diplomacy and a diplomatic green light by the US to Israel to pursue the expansion of Jerusalem.

These proposals will be to the immense benefit of all the residents of Jerusalem, Jews, Muslims and Christians and ensure Jerusalem remains the eternal capital of Israel and the Jewish people with a free, secure and flourishing future.

The implementation of these proposals would be a natural continuation of the policies of the first Trump administration and secure his historic legacy of support for the State of Israel and transformation of the Middle East.

Chaim Silberstein is founder and president of the Jerusalem Center for Applied Policy, where Rabbi Steven Pruzansky, Esq, serves as Senior Research Associate.

The Trump Triumph

It is impossible to underestimate the historic nature of Donald Trump’s victory, an epic personal and political triumph. For the first time since Grover Cleveland in 1892, a defeated president ran again and won a second, non-consecutive term. How rare is this? The only defeated presidential candidate even to run again was Richard Nixon in 1968 (of course, he won). No other defeated candidate has even run again; each loser has been one and done for the past century (except for Adlai Stevenson who lost twice in the 1950’s). Trump persevered.

Moreover, the United States has shifted from relative stability in its leadership to great volatility. Three recent presidents (Clinton, Bush, and Obama) each served two full terms, the first time in almost two centuries (Jefferson, Madison, Monroe) that three presidents in a row each completed three terms. The most recent two-term threesome will now be succeeded by three one-term presidents (Trump, Biden, Trump), the first time that has happened since the aforementioned Grover Cleveland (Cleveland, Harrison, Cleveland). These are indeed extraordinary times.

What is even more stunning and unexpected was Trump’s popular vote victory, only the second time in thirty-six years that a Republican outpolled a Democrat in a presidential election (Bush, 2004). Contrast that with Cleveland – to whom Trump will always be linked – who won the popular vote in all three of his elections. Trump did not come close to prevailing in the popular vote in his prior elections. His victory this week is personal vindication, as well as the product of political skills that tapped into something deep in the American electorate that has effected a re-alignment of the American political system. It is quite unusual for a politician to grow in popularity the longer he is exposed to the public. How did it happen? Reasons abound.

Americans instinctively recoil from limitations on their personal autonomy, so much so that there is no national ID number in the United States such as is ubiquitous in Israel. People resent being tracked by the government, often to a ridiculous extent, another reason the Coronavirus era is recalled so unfavorably by Americans. Most states even prohibit asking voters to verify their identity before they vote. And the woke excesses that Democrats championed (such as men dominating women’s sports – grated on many Americans. But most elections are won and lost because of the economy, and inflation and rising prices sapped the real income of American workers. Reagan’s rhetorical question from 1980 – “are you better off now than you were four years ago?” – still resonates, and Trump borrowed it to great effect. Americans recalled not just the chaos of the first Trump term, most of it orchestrated by the Democratic resistance, but also its relative peace and prosperity (until the pandemic). Few took seriously the notion of Trump as insurrectionist or dictator.

Of course, Trump benefited also from the turmoil in the Democratic party, especially the forced ouster of Joe Biden which (although everyone knows why) has never been satisfactorily explained, particularly how a president too enfeebled to run for re-election is still robust enough to handle affairs of state. The ongoing coverup of Biden’s debilitation orchestrated by Kamala Harris, the Democratic establishment, and the American media exasperated many Americans, and in the process made a mockery of the Democratic primaries.

Most of all, Trump was blessed with an inept opponent, famous only for failing upwards in her previous offices. She did little to distinguish herself as a senator or vice-president and was noted primarily for checking the right identity politics boxes, and a nervous cackle employed to mask vacuity and, away from the teleprompter, her persistent, halting verbal incoherence.

To be fair, she tried to run an unprecedentedly brief campaign, never having run a really contested campaign before. That she did so well owes more to Trump’s, shall we say, provocative personality. A different Democrat might have defeated Trump handily, although he or she would still be saddled by the immoderation of the Democratic party and the unpopular policies it pursued while in power. A different Republican would have trounced Harris even more soundly as even Trump routed her.

American Jews are stuck in a time warp and victims of their ideological and spiritual confusion. They remain wedded to a Democratic party that no longer represents anything that even remotely resembles Jewish values. Abortion on demand? Identity politics? Judging individuals not as individuals, and not on the content of their character, but solely based on their skin color and ethnic attachment? Moral relativism? Antagonism towards tradition? Schizophrenia towards Israel – assistance and hostility intermingled? Support for Israel – and our enemies?

The good news is there was a sizable increase in the Jewish vote for Trump, although it will not be reflected in the exit polls. I sense that many liberal Jews voted for Trump. Discomfited by the Harris’ flirtation and sympathy with our enemies, they voted for Trump but then could not bring themselves to admit to a pollster – or even to themselves. Obviously, the Orthodox vote for Trump was overwhelming, which bolstered his popular vote total. In Jewish districts in Brooklyn, Rockland County, NY, and New Jersey, the Trump tally was enormous. Once again, those Jews closest to tradition voted in ways that best reflect their deepest Jewish values.

It was wise that PM Netanyahu rushed to congratulate Trump, after being falsely accused of being among the first to congratulate Biden in 2020. (In fact, Netanyahu delayed so long that he was criticized in Israel for that tardiness.) Israelis are jubilant at the Trump triumph, which should be tempered by the realization that Trump was not elected prime minister of Israel but president of the United States. The interests of our two countries generally overlap but they also occasionally diverge and they will as well in the future. Trump naysayers will then (nay)say “We told you so!” but all that means is that every leader should act in his own country’s interests. And much depends on who is appointed to senior positions in the new administration. Floated names like Mike Pompeo, Marco Rubio, David Friedman, and others should gratify Jews and supporters of Israel, peace, freedom, and world stability.

Nevertheless, the immediate shift in tone was palpable. Biden’s support for Israel was always “ironclad” and “unshakeable,” in his words, but also heavily contingent on Israel acting in a way that frustrated our war objectives. For all the assistance lavished on Israel in the last year, Iran profited far more from its association with Biden, to our great detriment. Neither Biden or Harris ever saw the destruction of Hamas as warranted or necessary. They have gone to great lengths (under the guise of concern for “civilians”) to ensure Hamas’ survival to fight another day and they remain enthralled by the two-state delusion in a way that has become pathological.

Biden can do damage to Israel in the coming months, as did his patron Obama. In the waning days of the Obama administration in 2016, Obama pushed through a UN Security Council resolution declaring Jewish settlements in Judea and Samaria illegal. It is not beyond the realm of possibility that Biden will seek another UNSC resolution (as did Obama, thwarted only by Vladimir Putin) demanding the creation of a Palestinian state. By contrast, the Trump administration went on record as declaring the settlements “not inconsistent with international law” and Trump himself has stated his opposition to the two-state delusion.

If past is prologue, we might have some difficult months ahead, as Biden does have a vindictive side, and he will leave office bitter and dejected, having essentially been overthrown by his own party with his legacy in tatters.

Trump prizes and rewards loyalty. He should remember how most faithful Jews backed him and how Israelis appreciate him, his first term, and his achievements in office. Not least, his victory is a repudiation of the Democratic party’s slide towards neutrality in the Middle East, neutrality defined as seeing both sides – Israel’s side, and the side of those who want to exterminate us. That type of neutrality should be perceived as hostility to Israel. If Harris had prevailed, then Jew hatred, already mainstreamed in much of American society and among Democrats, would have been incentivized.

We can only hope for the lessening of the rancor in American politics, which has unfortunately become a staple of democracies (in Israel, too). That Trump should be consistently and casually referred to as “Hitler” and his supporters as “Nazis,” and his recent rally at Madison Square of reminiscent of the Bund rally in 1939, is beyond the pale. Shame on the ADL, which has functioned for years as a constituent of the Democrats, for remaining silent. In the past the ADL hastened to denounce anyone who even mentioned Hitler or Nazis in any context with which it disapproved, decrying the “abuse of the Holocaust on the memory of the victims.” A person who, outside the confines of a baseball stadium, even uttered the syllable “Hit…”  would be immediately lambasted by the ADL. The ADL’s obsession with locating Jew hatred on only one side of the political spectrum, and its silence here, in service of the Democrats, are embarrassing, and harms Jews. They too, and this too, shall pass.

Donald Trump’s physical survival is near miraculous and his political resurrection is astonishing. It is an opportunity to do important things.

In the best circumstances, the Trump triumph is good for America, good for the Jews, and good for Israel. It brings ultimate victory over our enemies closer, if we have the psychological and political stamina to see it through. Iran and its proxies should be fearful – not that America will attack (it won’t) but that President Trump will provide us with the tools and support to prevail and perhaps even bring about regime change. With the help of the Almighty, there can be a sea change in the Middle East – a strong Israel, more Jewish and confident, with a military and civilian presence in lands conquered from our enemies who invaded us, and at peace with an Arab world mostly deradicalized and defanged.

And we can pray that this should be a harbinger of ultimate redemption, speedily and in our days.

Evacuate them NOW!

(First published at Israelnationalnews.com).

Why does the world dislike Palestinians?

This is the inescapable conclusion derived from the disparate treatment shown to Palestinian refugees as opposed to other global refugees. Just in the last few decades, the Western world has absorbed millions of refugees fleeing sundry conflicts – Iraqi refugees, Afghan refugees, Syrian refugees, Haitian refugees, not to mention the millions of illegal migrants that the United States has welcomed from South and Central America and from distressed areas on earth.

Only Palestinian refugees are treated differently. The other refugees were escorted out of war zones to safe havens as international humanitarian law requires. They were not told that they must remain in the crossfire of conflict or that the world will surge humanitarian aid to them. They were not told that Saddam Hussein, Al Qaeda, ISIS, the Taliban, Bashar al-Assad, and other brutes would be held accountable for their welfare or suffer adverse consequences. In most cases, the nearest country accepted these refugees until they found sanctuary elsewhere. In the last two decades, more than thirty million global refugees have been brought to safety.

Only Palestinian refugees are treated differently. Egypt, without repercussion, was allowed to deny safe passage for Gazan civilians through its territory. Imagine how differently our defensive war against Hamas would have been waged if these “civilians” had been extricated immediately. Instead, they were forced to remain and are still forced to remain. It is not only that Hamas has physically barred their departure, which is cruel enough but logical given their effective use as human shields against Israel. It is also that the United States, as repeatedly asserted by Antony Blinken, has made it one of its strategic goals that not a single Gazan be displaced. So, they are forced to suffer and die, some through direct execution by Hamas and others by indirect execution – compelled to serve as human shields and dramatize their suffering for the world and thus besmirching Israel’s image.

So why does the world dislike Palestinians?

One reason might be widespread recognition of the fabricated Palestinian national identity, a fiction that is roughly a century old and invented primarily to thwart Jewish nationalism. It is not a group that has a historic homeland or national identity, which was ever independent, or that can sustain an independent state, the delusions of the world notwithstanding. Palestinian nationalism, such as it exists, has attracted a disproportionate share of the world’s attention since Yasser Arafat arrived on the world scene with his holstered gun, hijackings, bombings, kidnappings, and monetary extortion. This was for the second reason the world dislikes Palestinians: it is because in whatever country they have lived, they routinely foment strife, violence, social unrest, and even civil war. Jordan, Lebanon, and Kuwait are among the Arab countries that have suffered severely since so-called Palestinians migrated to their countries. Gazans have no place to go because even in the Arab world they are not wanted as those countries fear the consequences of even temporarily housing these people.

Nevertheless, the world’s dislike of Palestinians pales before the world’s hatred of Israel and the Jewish national idea. Much of the world – including nations deemed our friends – desperately does not want Israel to win our current wars. We have reached somewhat of an impasse in the battles in Gaza and south Lebanon. Our enemies have been ravaged by our dedicated and intrepid soldiers and deterrence has been mostly but not completely restored. Gaza has been justly devastated – but its population mostly remains. And, sadly, it is inconceivable that it can be reformed or civilized such that Gazans will live peacefully with us. It is inevitable that these Gazans civilians will return to terror at the earliest opportunity, under the name Hamas or under some group that will bear a new name but retain its jihadist hatred of Israel and Jews. To think that Gazans will dwell in serenity even governing their own affairs is the sort of delusional thinking that has guided Israeli statecraft since Oslo.

Since victory eludes us – victory traditionally defined as permanent loss to the enemy of the territory used for its aggression – we have entered one of the worst stages of war: our soldiers are daily killed trying to retain territory that has already been conquered twice before in this war, not to mention three times before in previous wars. We are bled daily by these guerrilla attacks – explosives in buildings and on roads, and the occasional sniper – without any articulated plan that can permanently change the strategic equation. We mourn our losses – but do little to prevent future ones. These days, our enemies gain no strategic advantage by shooting their rockets, missiles, and drones at us; they just lust for Jewish blood. What can frustrate those malevolent desires?

Israel has carved out a military zone in which Gazans are not supposed to enter and that too irks the world, our enemies, and our friends, which resents any limitations on Gazans’ movements. We are living the conundrum that the world demands humanitarian aid for Gazans, while that same aid will serve little purpose other than allow them to stay, eventually rebuild, and reconstitute their terror machine.

It should be clear to all that much of Gaza has been rendered uninhabitable and will be so for years to come. Evacuation of Gazan civilians – in numbers that are relatively miniscule compared to the other global refugees evacuated in the last two decades – is the most moral approach to their future wellbeing, the stability of this region, and the security of the State of Israel. The entire terror infrastructure built by Hamas may never be fully discovered, so diabolical and so embedded in Gaza it is. Evacuation of those who might control and exploit that infrastructure, now and in the future, is the only way to preserve our security and prevent future brutal invasions of our land.

Israel erred in not demanding the evacuation of Gazan civilians at the very beginning of the war. Instead, the government caved to world demands that humanitarian aid be rushed into Gaza, which prolonged the war, on the absurd pretext uttered by the likes of Blinken and Kamala Harris that Israel’s “number one priority” in this war must be the welfare of Gazan civilians. That is palpably false, and a standard to which no nation in history has been held.

Even if were true, the true welfare of Gazan civilians necessitated their immediate evacuation from the war zone. It still does. Gazan civilians, even those of indeterminate number who do not loathe Israel and seek our demise, will never be able to break away from extreme elements in their society who preach violence, jihad, and destruction of Israel as reasonable endeavors and justifiable objective to which they should dedicate their lives and those of their children.

There will be pundits and experts who will say that the world will never allow the evacuation of Gazans and will demand they all stay and rebuild, come what may. They will also say that Israel should not govern that territory but consent to local governance or maybe some Arab coalition. They will say that Israel will always have the right of self-defense if attacked – but then when Israel is attacked, as we invariably will be with rockets, drones, and missiles, they will then say that it is not worth a war. In effect, we will again acquiesce to Arab aggression against us, while knowing these hostile elements remain unreconciled to our very existence. We have been down this sorry road so many times and at such a terrible cost that one wonders why we pay any attention to these pundits and experts.

If the world will not allow the evacuation of “innocent civilians” from a war zone for unclear reasons and we cannot allow them to stay for obvious reasons, then we are at an impasse. But as long as they remain, our troops and our civilian population are in danger.

The war in the Lebanon will not be won militarily until Israel fully controls the land up to the Litani River and barring a Lebanese civilian presence – at least, those unvetted – south of the Litani, and it will not be won politically until the Lebanese people rise up and expel Hezbollah and its supporters from their government and their midst. Otherwise, Lebanon is rightly responsible for every aggressive act that emanates from its territory. And if this uprising causes a civil war, so be it. It would not be the first or second civil war in Lebanon. Better that they fight for a stable polity than we should fight and die because they refuse to do so. And if they refuse to expel the jihadist murderers who dwell among them, then they should be ready to pay a steep price for that reluctance, and not just in the terror stronghold of Dahiyeh.

Similarly, the war in Gaza will not be won militarily or politically as long as a hostile population survives that will regroup as terrorists, recruit more avid participants from the youngsters in that population, and do not feel the loss of the land that is under their feet. There is no more vivid way of demonstrating their defeat than by resettling parts of Gaza.

We must retain the tiny territory of Gaza as a symbol of victory – but to retain the land and maintain the population there is to sow the seeds of the next round of conflict, endure more rockets and incursions, and come to this same crossroads after still more deaths and desolation – ours and theirs.

Could these evacuated Gazans be repatriated at some point in the future? Certainly, if and when they are purified of their hatred and amend their priorities in life accordingly.

How will the world that dislikes them but hates us respond? Probably not well at first, with all the threats of embargoes and sanctions that they use now to constrain our right of self-defense.

But we are first and foremost a moral people, and elementary morality demands that innocent civilians be extricated from a war zone. At every opportunity, we must hammer home the notion that morality demands not the provision of food and fuel in an environment that is unsustainable, but evacuation to more pleasant climes in which they can relinquish their fantasies of killing Jews and focus on raising their children and making a positive contribution to the societies that embrace them. Our diplomacy should be focused on advocating for this moral imperative – and it is vital to our survival as long as substantial elements in their society harbor the fantasy of destroying Israel. We ignore that fantasy at our peril.

Perhaps the criminal gang known as UNWRA – soon to be expelled from Israel – can embrace this goal as their final act before its future dissolution. Rather than continue to perpetuate refugee status and actively foment terror against Jews, UNRWA can provide a new life outside of this region for the hundreds of thousands of refugees under its aegis.

Evacuation of Gazans to the West will ultimately please the Arab world also, especially those who have suffered from Palestinian violence and intimidation. There is plenty of money in the Arab world to contribute to this resettlement; indeed, it will cost far less to resettle them than to rebuild Gaza. And most Gazan civilians would love nothing more than to leave.

Hatred of Israel is a powerful motivator in much of the world. A strong Israel frightens the West – including secular Europe and America – as it makes the Bible and its prophecies all too real. It is high time that we shift the narrative of morality, expose the immorality of the West who also use the Palestinians as pawns, and do what is right and proper.

We need to save ourselves from the Palestinians – but they need to be saved from themselves and their worst impulses. We can buy time until the next conflagration soon erupts or we can try to transform the strategic situation. That can only be accomplished through evacuation now, the moral approach.

The Real World

(First published in the Jerusalem Report, October 21)

Rabbi Dr. Ron Kronish makes a compelling case (Jerusalem Report, October 7) that the descendants of Isaac and Ishmael must learn to live together. He touts our shared ancestry and shared values and attributes continued strife to “deeply ingrained negative stereotypes” that need to be “overcome today through education and dialogue.” If only it were true. My heart is with the writer, though not my head.

All Jews want peace, prosperity, and freedom for all peoples. In the real world in which we reside, Islam is dominated by a relative minority of radicals for whom the existence of Israel is repugnant and unacceptable. Indeed, that fraction of Muslims might number 10% of all Muslims, which computes to one hundred million people of the roughly billion Muslims across the globe. That is not a small number and they wage war not only against Israel but also against the West. They have perpetrated terrorists acts in dozens of cities across the world, and of course delight in murdering Jews wherever we might be found.

We can wish this were not so – Dr. Kronish completely elides this very recent history – but we would be saps to base our diplomacy and statecraft upon wishful thinking. Such wishful thinking underwrote the Oslo Accords and their “sacrifices for peace,” the creation of the Palestinian Authority, the expulsion of Jews from Gaza, the tolerance of the Hamas terror infrastructure, and directly led to the atrocities of October 7 and the multifront wars Israel is now waging. We indulge the saccharine rhetoric about the “moderates” and “coexistence” at our peril; it was the exact same language that lulled Israel into the catastrophic diplomacy of the last three decades.

Certainly, there are moderates in the Arab world. The Abraham Accords spearheaded by President Trump demonstrates that. Israeli visitors to the United Arab Emirates are treated quite hospitably. And yet, all the peace treaties have not changed hearts and minds in the Muslim world. Few Israelis now venture into Egypt or Jordan, and Jordanians and Egyptians have wantonly murdered Jews. Even in Dubai, Jewish public prayer has ended. Worse, after Hamas terrorists invaded Israel, hundreds of the “innocent civilians” of Gaza rampaged, raped, marauded, and murdered even Jews who had befriended them, hired them, transported them to Israeli hospitals. Peace and co-existence are unnecessary with the moderates and impossible with the radicals.

Of all the Arab states that have made peace with Israel – a welcome development per se– it is hard to think of even one that would mourn Israel’s disappearance. Consequently, even these nations that are ostensible peace partners with Israel routinely vote against Israel in the United Nations. Yes, a cold peace is better than a hot war – but there is something much deeper that unfortunately precludes full co-existence.

That impediment is an Islamic doctrine that dictates that any land that was once Muslim remains Muslim in perpetuity, and if lost, must be recaptured, the Dar al-Islām. That Jews have returned as sovereigns in the land of Israel is especially galling. We can wish that away as well but wishing it away does not make it less true. And if 10% of Muslims subscribe to that doctrine, then “education and dialogue” is asking them to repudiate their religion, a fools’ errand indeed.

Many Israelis still delude themselves into thinking that this conflict is all about real estate and finding the right division of territory to satisfy both sides. This is an egregious error born of a secular mindset that cannot admit there are people who take religion seriously. It was baked into Israeli diplomacy, which is one reason Israel’s strategic position has so deteriorated since Oslo. We would be prudent – as befitting a “wise and discerning people” (Devarim 4:6) – not to repeat the same mistakes but to look to our traditions and Torah for our claims to the land of Israel.

It is disconcerting that, in the entire article, Dr. Kronish uses the word “violent” only in relation to what he terms “extremist settler Judaism,” apparently willing to deny the settlers of the Jewish heartland the right to defend themselves and our land. Note the irony that the way Israelis on the left regard the settlers is the same way the world regards Israelis – violent, extreme, genocidal, and other lies. But the settlers are the ones who counter the Muslim narrative with a proudly Jewish one – that this is the land that G-d granted us, from which we were exiled, and to which the Jewish prophets declared we would (and did) return. That is the grand drama of Jewish history.

Must this war end one day, as Dr. Kronish declares? We can hope for that as well, as long as hope does not transmute into naiveté. But Hamas has already infiltrated Jerusalem and dominates the Arab educational, commercial, cultural, and political institutions there. Hamas is more powerful today in Judea and Samaria than is the Palestinian Authority, itself rampant with Jew hatred. Iran shows no signs of abating its Jew hatred and prepares to develop nuclear weaponry, winked at (if not subsidized) by the current American government. And I am unaware of the pedagogical tools that will persuade those who delight in burning children alive and stealing corpses for ransom, and those who support them, of the error of their ways. Sadly, the current battles will end but the war will go on, as it has since the first Jewish casualty of Arab violence in the land of Israel 140 years ago.

When will it end? Jewish tradition in many places (see, e.g., Zohar, Parshat Vaera, end of chapter 7) states that the final war at the end of days will be between the descendants of Isaac and Ishmael. Our long and bloody history with our brother Esav is essentially behind us and the climactic battle with Ishmael will be waged over the land of Israel.

This war – all wars – will end when redemption comes and all mankind recognizes the sovereignty of the Creator of the universe. Until then, we should befriend all moral people who believe in the Bible and respect the Jewish narrative. And we can hasten that day of peace not by renouncing our heritage in the futile quest of winning over moderates without power or influence anywhere, but by deepening our connection to Torah, mitzvot, and the land of Israel.