A BLIGHT UNTO THE NATIONS

      Once again, Jewish identity is on the front-burner, and Jewish patriotism is under siege, with the news of two intermarriages involving public figures. Last weekend, Brooklyn Congressman (D, of course) Anthony Wiener married a non-Jew (a Muslim woman), with Bill Clinton himself presiding over the festivities. Wiener, a Charles Schumer acolyte with the same brashness and love for the camera as his mentor, has always been a “pro-Israel” congressman and aspires to be New York City’s next Mayor. Should his intermarriage play any role in determining his political future ?

      A cogent argument can be made that it should play no role, especially in a country that pursuant to the Constitution has no religious litmus test for electoral office. An official should be judged, the argument goes, based on his conduct in office, or his positions, integrity, values, intelligence, etc. Nevertheless, I disagree, because people vote for a public official because they identify with him/her, and feel that person can best represent their values and goals. Can a Jew who betrays his people by marrying out of the faith be trusted to look after the interests of the Jewish people ? I don’t see how. Notwithstanding that they could do it, I am not sure I would trust them to do it. And even though people vote for candidates who ostensibly will be the best representative of the polity and not of their particular ethnic group, the reality is people are inclined to vote for those who are considered role models, or at least reflective of the norms and ideals of their lives and the interests of their more parochial class. That is life among the diverse constituencies in New York City, where ethnic politics is a reality.

     More troubling is the recognition that a Brooklyn Congressman – Brooklyn, of all places, and a person who is unabashedly Jewish in his affect and speech patterns – would think that intermarriage today is so accepted and conventional that it should not be deemed controversial at all. That sad state of affairs should distress all of us, as it indicates the transformation of American Jewry in just 50 years – from rejection and abhorrence of intermarriage to the ho-hum, even unremarkable response of the Jewish (especially non-Orthodox) world today.

    That humdrum, desultory reaction informs the secular Jewish coverage of the impending nuptials of celebrity intermarried couple number two, Chelsea Clinton to Marc Mezvinsky, the Jewish (described as “Conservative”) son of two former (D, of course) Congresspersons. It is not the first such marriage of Jews into high-powered, influential non-Jewish families: leaping to mind are the marriages of Al Gore’s daughter to a Jew named Schiff (since ended in divorce) and Caroline Kennedy’s marriage to Edward Schlossberg, still going strong.

     Today’s Jerusalem Post carried an absolutely inane piece entitled “Jews Wring their Hands Over Chelsea Clinton’s Nuptials” (http://www.jpost.com/JewishWorld/JewishNews/Article.aspx?id=181609), the hand-wringing over the question of “will Chelsea convert ?”

    To which the response of normal Jews should be, “and if she does, so what ?” Does she have any intention of committing to the Jewish people, of living a Torah-centered life ? Will she observe the commandments in any substantive sense ? Does she feel any grief over the destruction of the two Temples that we will commemorate this coming Tuesday on the Ninth of Av ? Indeed, Chelsea may have more religious sensibilities than her beau, which begs the question: why doesn’t he convert ? If his Jewish identity is so tenuous and means so little to him, then why impose the charade on her ? Be a man, and charade yourself.

     And in the charade that much of modern Jewish life (outside the world of Torah) has become, note these priceless questions from the above-referenced article, that apparently concern at least one Jew (the writer): “Will there at least be a rabbi co-officiating? A huppa? A glass?”  Who in the real, live, thinking, breathing, Jewish world could possibly care about that ? Having a rabbi “co-officiate” at an intermarriage is like having Mahmoud Ahmadinejad swear in the next American President on Capitol Hill, January 20, 2013. It is a traitorous act that obviously demeans the (steadily meaningless) term “rabbi.” Does a “huppa,” the symbol of the Jewish home, have any relevance when the home will not be Jewish ? Does “breaking the glass,” a reminder of the churban (destruction of the Temples and Jerusalem), have any significance when the marriage itself is a churban­ ­ – and when the mother of the bride is determined to weaken the Jewish sovereignty over Jerusalem today and G-d-forbid precipitate another churban ? What a macabre joke.

     But the approach itself is reflective of a growing attitude among non-Orthodox Jews – both publicly and privately – that intermarriage is a reality, and we must accept it, and participate, and attend in the hopes of “influencing them for the good,” so they remain “part of the Jewish people,” “giving money to Jewish causes” and perhaps having a Menorah next to their tree, fast half a day on Yom Kippur and eat matza at the Pesach seder – in other words, the all symbols and no substance that unfortunately characterizes too much of Jewish life, especially among the non-Orthodox. So, make the best of it !

    Reality check: for the sake of decorum, we shy away from the statistical reality of Jewish life. Forget the 50% intermarriage rate, give or take a few percentage points either way. It means nothing and says less. The real rate is more devastating: among non-Orthodox Jews, the intermarriage rate hovers close to 70% ! No wonder their rabbis and leaders say we must accept it, and reach out, and embrace sham conversions, and the like. No wonder they blame the “openness of American society;” that is far more comforting than to look themselves in the mirror at the devastation they have wrought in the Jewish world. No wonder non-Orthodox Rabbis are often hired or fired based on their comfort level with performing intermarriages. And no wonder Anthony Wiener assumes – perhaps even correctly – that his intermarriage will play no significant role in his political future.

     On a recent TV panel with two non-Orthodox rabbis, I realized that their perceptions of conversion itself are flawed almost beyond repair. They maintained that conversion requires immersion in a mikveh for men and women, and circumcision for men. My attempts to explain that those are the procedures of conversion, not the substance, fell flat. The substance of conversion is an acceptance of Mitzvot and a willingness to be part of the fate and destiny of the Jewish people. When that commitment is manifest and complete, then the procedures of conversion can be carried out. I might as well have been talking Swahili; there was certainly no realization on their part that their doctrines and teachings have inevitably and ineluctably led their flock to this national catastrophe.

    The irony is that this is no criticism at all of Chelsea Clinton or the new Mrs. Wiener, neither of whom have done anything wrong. It is the Jewish spouse in each case who is committing the crime against the Jewish people, a crime that cannot be washed away by the sprinkling of holy water or the mumbling of a few incantations, or their Jewish equivalent. For sure, there are always people who point out that the children of the Jewish mother is Jewish, and therefore ripe for outreach, and even the children of the non-Jewish mother can be “raised Jewish.” But this is a pipedream, and waste of resources. One can jump out of a plane without a parachute and still survive, but it is not something that is anticipated and planned for.

    Jews eschew intermarriage because marriage creates a home that will embody and transmit the unique values and ideals of the Jewish people as received from G-d. It is our role as G-d’s witnesses that have merited us His grace and protection since our national origins more than 3800 years ago, and that role cannot be embraced by one who does not share those premises, that commitment, and that sense of privilege or identity. Serious, committed converts are a blessing to the Jewish people, as well as a challenge to the genuineness of the born Jew. To the extent that Jews tolerate intermarriage is ultimately a reflection of their own commitments, and the seriousness with which they perceive the above-mentioned divinely-ordained role. When intermarriage becomes commonplace, and “Jewish” writers dismiss concerns as narrow-minded and mock the genuine grief that traditional Jews feel over the impending loss of any Jew, they have unfortunately revealed the shallowness of their own commitment, and the insecurities they feel about their own Jewish identity.

    Just two more reasons to mourn this coming Tish’a B’Av, and two more reasons to redouble our efforts to promulgate the ideals of Torah far and wide so that intermarriage remains anathema and becomes increasingly rare, and all Jews embrace the beauty of a divine system that demands that we be a “light  – not a blight, which is intermarriage – onto the nations.”

How (Not) to Negotiate

          Prime Minister Netanyahu has left Washington, and the fact that there was no shouting match between him and President Obama is being touted as a sign of the restored friendship and alliance between Israel and the United States. Symbols matter to the simple, and undoubtedly the choreography was designed to obscure memories of the insults of the recent past. But only substance matters in the real world, and, once again, Israel’s style of negotiation is almost designed for – and destined for – failure. 

       For one reason, Israel is again negotiating with itself, offering concessions to the Arabs that, because they are delivered through the American intermediary, are not construed by the Arabs as concessions at all. And even if the PM shows a backbone and does not extend the freeze on construction in Judea and Samaria – he presently hints in that direction, but his coyness, considering the explicit promises made to his nation, is dishonorable – nevertheless, a dangerous precedent has already been set. And for what ? What exactly has been gained through this moratorium, a concession unacknowledged and unrequited by the Arabs ?

      And why wasn’t the matter of Jonathan Pollard raised seriously ? How is it that the Russians can extract their spies within a week of their arrests, and Israel’s government fears even raising the issue ? How about a good-will gesture from the United States, after the recent tensions ? Israel has held Russians (i.e., Israelis who spied for Russia) as spies, perhaps they still might have one or two. Why not a three-way deal ?

     And why does Israel accept with equanimity the continued incarceration of its soldier, Gilad Schalit, in gross violation of international law (soldiers are accorded certain rights), and continue to afford rights under international law to the terrorists in its custody (who deserve no rights, being combatants that do not wear uniforms and prey on civilians). Why even consider exchanging a soldier – a protected class – for terrorists – and unprotected class ? And how did Israel succumb to the mistreatment of its soldier, while acquiescing in the continued delivery of food and fuel to his captors – the residents of Gaza ? And, yes, Israel is at war with Gaza, not just the three members of Hamas who hold Schalit, but the residents of Gaza who elected Hamas to be their leaders. How about an embargo on food and fuel until Schalit is released ? That would be a serious act, and one that would be executed by every other country in the world. In its inchoate desire to be more “moral” than the nations, Israel is in fact less moral. Diplomatically, it is haplessly incompetent.

    Secondly, Netanyahu, as always, dazzled audiences with his eloquence and the cogency of his rhetoric. It is therefore mindboggling that his policies seldom adhere to the tone or substance of his rhetoric, which infuriates both friend and foe, and serves to anesthetize his erstwhile supporters.

     These events reinforce the sense of ineptness that has always marked Israel’s diplomacy, a point underscored by former diplomat and long-time Hebrew University Professor Moshe Sharon, who advised PM Begin in his time. The following, written several years ago and sent to me this past week, is a comforting reminder that not all Israelis have lost their common sense and their grounding in reality. One can only long for the day when these ideas will pervade the leadership and political class on Israel, and pray that that day comes before the point of no return is passed.

                                                                                     WORDS LAUNDRY:
                                                     A SHORT GUIDE TO THOSE OBSESSED WITH PEACE

                                                                          Professor Moshe Sharon

“Everybody says that his donkey is a horse.”

“There is no tax on words.”

(Two Arab proverbs)

On December 25, 1977, at the very beginning of the negotiations between Israel and Egypt in Ismailia, I had the opportunity to have a short discussion with Muhammad Anwar Sadat the president of Egypt.  “Tell your Prime Minister, he said, that this is a bazaar; the merchandize is expensive.”  I told my Prime Minister but he failed to abide by the rules of the bazaar similar to all the Israeli governments and the media.

In the bazaar of the Arab-Israeli conflict, the two sides are not discussing the same merchandise.  While the Israelis wish to acquire “peace”, the Arabs wish to annihilate the Jewish state and get rid of the Jews.

To achieve their goal, the Arabs took to the battlefield as well as to the bazaar diplomacy.  The wisdom of the bazaar is that if you are clever enough you can sell nothing at a price, however in the bazaar only a foolish buyer pays for something he has never seen.

In the present situation in the Middle East and in the foreseeable future “peace” is nothing more than an empty wordIsrael should stop speaking about peaceand delete the wordpeace” from its vocabulary together with such phrases asthe price of peace” or “territory for peace”.  For almost a century the Jews have been ready to pay the Arabs any price for peace.  They have received nothing, because the Arabs have no peace to sell.

Since this is the situation, Israel should openly declare that peace does not exist as an option in the Arab-Israeli conflict, and that if the Arabs ask for peace; they must pay for it.  For unlike the Arabs, Israel has this merchandize for sale and therefore, Israel should be the side demanding payment for peace and fixing its price.

Therefore, if anyone asks Israel for plans, the answer should be: “No plans, in fact no negotiations at all.”  If the Arab side wants to negotiate, let it present its plans and its “ideas”.  To which the Israeli answer should always be: “Unacceptable! Come with better ones.”

Here are ten rules for bargaining in the Middle Eastern bazaar:

1. Never be the first to suggest anything to the other side .  Never show any eagerness “to conclude a deal”.

2. Always reject; disagree.  Use the phrase: “Not meeting the minimum demands,” and walk away, even a hundred times.

3. Don’t rush to come up with counter-offers.  Let the other side make amendments under the pressure of your total “disappointment”.

4. Have your own plan ready in full, as detailed as possible, with the red lines completely defined.  However, never show this or any other plan to a third party.

5. Never change your detailed plan to meet the other side “halfway”. Remember, there is nohalfway”.

6. Never leave things unclear.  Always avoid “creative phrasing”.  Remember playing with words is the Arab national sport.

7. Regard every detail as a vitally important issue.  Never postpone any problem “for a later occasion”.  If you do so you will lose; remember that your opponent is always looking for a reason to avoid honoring agreements.

8. Emotion belongs neither in the marketplace nor at the negotiating table.  Friendly words as well as outbursts of anger, holding hands and kissing, do not represent policy.

9. Beware of popular beliefs about the Arabs and the Middle East – “Arab honor” for example.  Remember, you have honor too, but this has nothing to do with the issues under negotiation.

10. Always remember that the goal of all negotiations is to make a profitYou should aim at making the highest profit in real terms. Remember that every gain is an asset for the future.

To these ten rules another one should be added:

11. You should never agree to negotiate with more than one side.  The Arabs will try to bring as many participants to the negotiating table to put you in an inferior position.  Never agree to bring in even so called “friendly participantsThere is no such thing.

The Arabs have been practicing negotiation tactics for more than 2,000 years.  They are the masters of words, and a mine of endless patience.  In contrast, Israelis (and Westerners in general) want quick “results”.

In this part of the world there are no quick results, the hasty one always loses.

 So wrote Professor Moshe Sharon in 2007. He makes so much sense, it is no wonder he is no longer in government.

Kagan and Barak

    Elena Kagan will almost certainly be confirmed as the next US Supreme Court Justice, with the dubious distinction of having the thinnest legal record of any nominee in generations and absolutely no judicial experience. One would think that an appointment to be one of the nation’s top nine judges – with life tenure – should at a minimum require that the person at least have served as a judge before, somewhere, sometime. But not in the peculiar Wonderland of Supreme Court nominations; if a slender paper trail is enough to derail a nomination, then choose someone with no paper trail at all but who possesses the requisite political (read: liberal) background and – in the fashionable milieu where group identity defines the person – belongs to one of the favored classes.

    (Of course this is sour grapes. Having been a practicing lawyer and still an active dayyan, the idea of being passed over for the nomination by someone with less legal experience – who has never drafted a single judicial opinion in her life – stings me.)

     The danger posed by a Justice Kagan to the Republic is illustrated by a vignette dug up by the assiduous researchers who beleaguer every nominee: her overflowing and copious praise of former Israeli Supreme Court President Aharon Barak as the justice she most “admires.” Well, Barak was revered or reviled (depending on your point of view) as a judicial autocrat, who believed his role was shaping the law in accordance with his personal preferences, or, when the law did not suit him, simply amending it or drafting it to his satisfaction. Barak did not just usurp the role of the Knesset but also the role of the Cabinet , Prime Minister and the IDF

     That led me to dig out of the archives an op-ed piece I write for the Jewish Press, published on December 22, 2007, about an encounter I had with Justice Barak. If Kagan really admires him as a judge, we are all in trouble.

A Glimpse Into The Mindset Of A Judicial Oligarch (Copyright, Jewish Press, 2008)
By: Rabbi Steven Pruzansky

Date: Thursday, December 27 2007

                                 “A democracy must fight terror with one hand tied behind its back.”

                         So stated Aharon Barak, the former president of Israel’s Supreme Court at a forum I recently attended at the Shasha Center for Strategic Studies at the Mount Scopus campus of Hebrew University.

                         The discussion centered on the potential and real conflict between democracy and the war on terror, and featured a debate between Barak and Judge Richard Posner, former chief judge of the United States Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals (based in Chicago), and one of the leading conservative legal scholars in the United States.

                         Abstractions do not always mingle well with the real world. Hebrew University President Menachem Magidor bragged that it is good to be in an ivory tower, detached from the real world and capable of pontificating about anything without consequences, although, he said, “we should keep the doors and windows open to see what the people are doing.”

                         So when the evening began with 25 minutes of heckling from individuals protesting “the occupation,” the liberal authorities (and HU is a liberal bastion) had no idea how to respond. People jeered – at the evening’s chair, former Mossad head Ephraim Halevy, and then at Barak when he started to speak – and security raced over to plead with the protesters to sit down and be quiet, and plead, and plead some more.

                         I was sitting in the third row with a group of professors (don’t ask), and when one said, “See, this is real democracy,” I answered, “No, this is not democracy, this is anarchy.”

                         After 20 minutes the crowd started chanting to throw the hecklers out, and eventually the ringleader was dragged away (howling that her rights of free speech were being violated!). Five minutes after she left, another one started in. By the fifth such demonstrator, “tolerance” was tossed to the wind, along with the remaining protesters.

                         The irony is that they should have stayed, because Barak’s words, actions and philosophy are powerful weapons in the hands of terrorists and a major reason why Israel’s strategic position has declined so precipitously in the last 15 years.

                         Justice Barak posited that the main function of a judge in the war on terror is to protect democracy “both from the terrorists and from the means the state uses to combat terrorists.”

                         The judge protects democracy from the state, the Knesset, the army, and even the people – even if there is less security for the people. Any curtailment of liberties that occurs in wartime will inevitably carry over to peacetime, and, in any event, “peace for one person is war for another.” Terrorists are just “lawbreakers” and must be dealt with, but not at the expense of fairness, justice or their human rights.

                         Thus, he boasted of his court’s decisions (almost all written by him) forcing the army to re-route the security wall (“the additional security provided was not commensurate with the additional harm caused to Palestinians”); overturning the government’s decisions expelling certain terrorists; nullifying the Knesset’s law permitting the demolition of the homes of terrorists; and setting the standards on a case-by-case basis for targeted assassinations of terrorist chieftains.

                         Barak even invalidated the Knesset’s repeal of the “Family Reunification Law” that had permitted Israeli Arabs to marry spouses from Judea, Samaria and Gaza and enable them move to Israel proper. This law became, in effect, an underground railroad for terrorists as no fewer than 26 of these “spouses” were subsequently imprisoned for perpetrating murderous acts against Jews. Barak ruled that the law must remain in effect, as it would violate the human rights of Arabs not to be able to choose their spouses and have them live in Israel. (Of course, the women could have moved to the Gaza paradise to live with their basherts, but Barak did not consider that.)

                         And so on. Barak prided himself on ruling Knesset laws unconstitutional, a neat trick given that Israel has no written constitution. He paid lip service to Justice Robert Jackson’s famous dictum that “the Constitution is not a suicide pact” and to the idea that a government’s primary obligation is to protect its citizens. But Barak sees a higher value – protecting the abstract beauty of democracy and human rights (in which “judges are the experts”), notwithstanding the harm to the individual.

                         The altar of democracy requires sacrifices. Of course, Barak likely does not ride buses, or shop in Machane Yehuda, or have any relatives in Sderot. Nor, strange as it sounds, did Barak even mention once that Israel is a Jewish state. Democracy uber alles.

                         Imagine if the ACLU actually governed the United States instead of just incessantly filing lawsuits; that is the picture of the legal system in Israel today. It is both naïve and dangerous.

                         I was reminded of George Orwell’s observation that “some ideas are so absurd only an intellectual could believe them.” But Judge Posner, who is as soft-spoken as he is brilliant and riveting, demolished Barak’s arguments point by point. Clearly from the American experience, he said, there is no slippery slope.

                         In every war (beginning with Lincoln’s suspension of habeus corpus during the Civil War), there were severe limitations on various civil rights, but when the war ended the measures were simply repealed and the status quo ante restored. Many of the restrictions imposed after the Arab Terror of 9/11 have already been relaxed (foolishly, Posner thought).

                         It is unthinkable in an American context that the Supreme Court should insert itself at will into the decisions of the political or military establishment, and micromanage government and security. Cases take years to get to the Supreme Court, so American judges already have real-life experience as to what works, what doesn’t work and what real harm is caused, if any.

                         Judicial tyranny is also incompatible with democracy, and judges are not omnipotent, Posner said. (Much of the audience cheered, and Barak squirmed.) He lambasted Barak’s assertion that Barak’s decisions are (as Barak had said) the “correct interpretation of law”, and said he – Posner – would never say that he is indisputably correct even when he is in the majority.

                         Posner added that he never uses terms like “justice, fairness, human rights,” deriding them as “empty words” that can be twisted by a judge to mean whatever he wants them to mean. And then there is no “rule of law,” but the subjective opinion of one person who is no more informed or expert in these nebulous matters than any other person.

                         Law is a “river of uncertainty” and it is perilous when judges create an “air of mystery” around their decisions, as if they are descending from some higher authority. He quipped that sometimes “with freedom comes irresponsibility.” But, he asserted, in America “we don’t want to fight a war with one hand tied behind our back.” American courts are not unfettered; Congress can limit their jurisdiction and budgets. And judges should never feel completely independent; “judicial independence is not a synonym for omnipotence or the rule of judges.”

                         Interesting, a Jew with seichel. Democracy is based on majority rule with protection for minority rights – but the minority does not have the right to infringe on the lives and well-being of the majority.

                         Barak was left to grimace, and then – in rebuttal – to remark how disappointed he was in Posner’s “extreme” views. He went on and on and on about the indispensability of unlimited judicial power as the only safeguard for democracy and human rights. “There is no justice without fairness, and there is no democracy without human rights,” he declared.

                         At that point, a gentleman in the third row asked: “What about the settlers from Gush Katif? Did they have human rights, or do human rights only flow in one direction, to Arabs?” The audience was thrust into silence and then a low murmur at this most peculiar turn of events – a pro-Jewish advocate at Hebrew University. (All right, I confess, the inquirer was me. I had more to say but held back so as not to be rude.)

                         Barak was flummoxed. He looked at me and could not respond except for mumbling some platitude about the right to free speech. He ended his talk abruptly and sat down. Posner, who was sort of beaming during my brief remarks, had the decency not to respond to Barak’s condescension to him, and the evening ended.

                         In an instant, the bubble of high-minded, self-righteous piety had been burst, and the emperor was shown to indeed have no clothes. In the world according to Barak, it is an outrageous and unacceptable affront to justice to demolish the homes of terrorists – murderers of Jews – but perfectly acceptable and moral to demolish the homes of 9,000 religious-nationalist Jews.

                         The dangers of subjectivity in law – by a self-perpetuating judicial oligarchy answerable to no one, composed exclusively of like-minded liberals who are charged with appointing their successors – became apparent. It was now easy to understand how Jewish teenagers who had blocked a highway to protest the Gaza expulsion could be sentenced to two years in prison.

                         I left and walked to Mount Scopus to gaze at the Temple Mount, thinking of the lyrics of Yehoram Gaon’s famous song about Jerusalem: “For a hundred generations, I dreamt of you – to cry, to see to merit, the light of your face.” That light, of course, is the light of the Torah that goes forth from Zion and that does not yet have any standing before Israel’s judges.

                         I then drove to the Kotel as the Tenth of Tevet began – to be cleansed, to be comforted, to daven Maariv, to mourn the thousands of victims of Barak-ism, and to pray that Israel survive even the well-intentioned efforts of the Knights Templar of “Democracy and Human Rights.”

THE DAY OF UNRECKONING

 

    The heathen prophet Bilaam was prompted to bless the Jewish people, instead of exposing their weaknesses to his patron Balak, but one phrase stands out as curious. He described us first as a “nation that dwells alone” (Bamidbar 23:9) – a fact reinforced in modern times in that Israel is the only country in the world that cannot serve on the United Nations Security Council. Non-permanent members are selected based on the regional bloc to which they belong – and Israel is the only country that is denied membership in a regional bloc (it is not considered a formal part of Asia, Africa or Europe; it is literally, a continent to itself). So Israel has no natural allies, and is different than everyone else.

      But Bilaam added something else that is often lost in our reflections on dwelling in solitude: “and they will not be reckoned among the nations.” But what does that really add to our understanding – to be alone is by definition not to be reckoned ? What does it mean “not to be reckoned” ?

      The great commentator Rashi offers two explanations: first, it means that “we will not be destroyed like the idolatrous nations” on the day of judgment. Every other nation’s existence is finite; ours is eternal. We are not reckoned with them, in that we are not a nation like other nations. Rashi then added that ‘when we rejoice, no nation rejoices with us; and when the nations are in fine fettle, they celebrate with each other” – and we don’t make it to the guest list  – we just don’t count. What a dark and foreboding view of Jewish life – and what kind of  “blessing” is that ?

       Most thinking Jews live with a persistent frustration that is often suppressed, and rarely articulated, but goes something like this: how come the world never sees things our way ? Our most vehement critics are often evil people, but sometimes they are decent – or at least people who evince decency in other areas of their lives. And yet, it always seems that nothing we do is appreciated, and no suffering that we endure is of any import. I have been hearing for most of my life that Israel’s international image suffers from poor hasbara, a nice word for PR. And each time something happens that to us is so obviously moral and the world condemns it as patently immoral, we wonder where did we go wrong ? Was it something we said, or did, that we could have said or done differently ?

       Israel, time and again, has conducted its statecraft and military policy specifically in order to preclude criticism – and the criticism comes nonetheless. Israelis thought they would leave Gaza even at the cost of expelling thousands of Jews – so they wouldn’t be accused of the “occupation.” Having left, the “occupation” accusation still continues. They thought that if they removed the pretext of occupation and rockets continued to fall on Israeli towns, they would have free rein to attack the enemy. Wrong again – any military response is deemed a “disproportionate use of force.” (Usually, nations win wars because of the “disproportionate use of force;” evidently, not here.)

     Before Operation Cast Lead in Gaza, and to forestall the charge that Israel was attacking civilians, Israel dropped millions of leaflets and made 250,000 cell phone calls urging civilians to flee! In the process, they relinquished the element of surprise. Did they then avoid that indictment ? Of course not ! The Goldstone Report appeared, accusing Israel of wantonly killed civilians, a criticism leveled with vehemence by, among others, the Russians, who just 10 years ago killed 50,000 civilians in Chechnya.  From Sudan to Afghanistan, mass murderers routinely accuse Israel of mass murder. The more Israel concedes and appeases, the worse its reputation becomes.

     So, what are we missing ? The Western world is currently expelling Israeli diplomats (one per country) to protest the Mossad’s allegedly use of forged passports in allegedly carrying out the killing of Mabhouh, the Hamas official in Dubai, just 4 months ago. Note: the West and Dubai are outraged – not by the terrorist who walks freely among them plotting his mayhem against Jews but by an arcane breach of diplomatic protocol – something every intelligence agency in the world does.

     The rules don’t seem to apply equally. Israel’s blockade of Gaza is legal, proper and wise – every nation at war does the same – Turkey, US, UK, Russia, etc. That is part of war – and the hand-wringing over the takeover in international waters, outside the 20-mile limit, is also a smokescreen. (If the enemy was within 20 miles, or three miles, would it have mattered at all ?)

      The new satirical web site www.latma.co.il is based on the premise that regular diplomacy or policy briefings no longer matter much in terms of public opinion – that PR can better enlighten through parody. And, indeed, the most effective PR Israel has had in 30 years was the “We Con the World” about the flotilla raid, and even there the double standard was obvious. The video has been removed from YouTube on grounds of a “copyright claim” by Warner-Chappell music, despite the fact that satire is permitted under the Fair Use Doctrine (otherwise, satirists from Paul Shanklin to Shlock Rock would be out of work); indeed, the original “We are the World” is so treacly and cloying that there are about twenty parodies that are still on the internet – that doesn’t seem to bother Warner-Chappell, who obviously came under pressure from anti-Israel forces.

     Every time we think something will happen that will make the world see things our way, it doesn’t – from the surrender of Sinai, to Oslo, from welcoming back Arafat to the lynching in Shechem, from the Arabs cheering the Arab terror of 9/11 to the suicide bombings, from the withdrawal from Lebanon to the rocket wars in the north and south, from the capture of the Iranian arms ship Karine-A to Gilad Shalit (four years in captivity), and on and on. What can we do to change this ? The answer is…

     Absolutely nothing. That is what it means “and they will not be reckoned among the nations.” We are not esteemed, our viewpoints are not valued, and our arguments mean nothing. We torture ourselves by thinking – “if only we said this, if only we had louder demonstrations, if only we took our more ads, if only we wrote more letters to the editor, if only we had more articulate diplomats, if only, if only. It will not make a difference. This fantasy of “universal acceptance” – that something will happen that will magically transform the world into Israel-lovers who extol the justice of our cause – is the elusive brass ring, the pot of gold at the end of the rainbow, the Holy Grail – it’s the lure that the greyhounds chase at the races. “And they will not be reckoned among the nations.”      

      Nothing will change it. The nations of the world are pre-programmed not to be sympathetic to Israel. That is why their opposition is often so illogical and patently hypocritical. Sure, we will pick off a few people here and there – isolated individuals – who write beautiful, substantive, pro-Israel pieces. In fact, we are so excited when it happens – one week it’s journalist Joe McCain (John’s brother), the next week it’s the ex-prime minister of Spain, next week it will be someone else – that we widely circulate these articles via e-mail and wish we could fete them, at Jewish organizational banquets. All are agents of the Almighty sent to us that we should not lose our sanity. And Israel has many non-Jewish supporters – good people all – but they are exceptions, and can never become the majority.

      Rashi says that we are inherently different – not a nation like others, and not subject to the frailties and infirmities of nations. And something else: if “and they will not be reckoned among the nations” means anything, it means that they do not want to hear our story. They can’t hear it. They don’t grieve with us when our soldiers are captured or killed, they don’t mourn when our civilians are bombed or terrorized, and they do not rejoice in our military triumphs. On the contrary: we are constantly dehumanized (as the Netziv comments) so that from the perspective of our critics, we  never suffer. And if it looks like we do, then we deserve it because we brought it on ourselves. (Indeed, we did, in part: Israel has foolishly asserted for 20 years already that it wishes to share the land of Israel, recognizing the “legitimate” claims of others; the other side claims the land is all theirs, and that the thief always wants to share his ill-gotten gains. Their claim is more plausible – but that too is a subterfuge. It wouldn’t matter – “and they will not be reckoned among the nations.”) Nonetheless, the more we demonstrate a lack of faith in the justice of our cause, the more we embolden our enemies and dishearten our friends.

        Bilaam is the vehicle of this prophecy – which is important, like all of Israel’s PR – for us – not for them. That’s the blessing ! When we listen to their attacks, and wonder where we went wrong, we have our answer: “and they will not be reckoned among the nations.” We can yell and scream and demonstrate all we want – and we should, because it strengthens us and  makes us feel better – but it will not change their opinion, which is not based on reasoned analysis but on the natural and unavoidable implications of “and they will not be reckoned among the nations.”. From the perspective of the outsider – and only an outsider can teach us this – Bilaam verifies that we will not be reckoned, but also that, deep down, these same nations admire us and respect us, and concede that “ G-d sees in us no iniquity or perversity.”

      We may not always see it in ourselves – but they do – that is why they keep their distance, until the day comes when the remnant of Yaakov will perceived as a lion among the forest animals, when our hands will be raised over all our adversaries, and the Messiah brings to the world justice, brotherhood, peace and global acknowledgment of the reign of G-d.