The Case for Romney

The case for Mitt Romney begins but doesn’t end with the simple declaration that he is not Barack Obama. Obviously, any challenger seeking to oust an incumbent must highlight the deficiencies of that incumbent, i.e., why the president is unfit to continue serving in that position. The incumbent runs on his record; the challenger runs on the insufficiencies of that record is insufficient and how his policies would differ and ameliorate any lingering problems in society. The irony here, of course, is that Obama is running as a challenger would, making little reference to his record and even less to his agenda for a second term, and neither with any specificity. Generalities (“the strongest military ever”), platitudes (“Are you with me?”… “Can’t go back to the policies that got us into this mess in the first place”… “I’ll fight for you,” etc.) and falsehoods (“I immediately labeled the Benghazi attack terrorism”) abound.

We must first look at what Obama has done, then at what Mitt Romney says he will do, and then the governor’s personal qualifications.

President Obama has been a poor steward of the economy. Whatever mess he inherited, he exacerbated, with poor policies that were poorly timed. Economic growth remains anemic and unemployment at record levels, because the President has failed to incentivize growth, has imposed a new health coverage law that caused rampant uncertainty in the business world (and in the general population, as the bill’s real provisions sink in) and has over-regulated the banking industry to the extent that loans are extremely difficult to procure – itself stifling business growth. Prices continue to increase in every sector of the economy, further smothering the middle class. The unprecedented debt – more than one trillion dollars per year in each year of his presidency (that’s >$1,000,000,000,000), an astonishing  number of zeros – bodes ill for the future, especially as he has no willingness to curb his spending appetites. And this from a man who criticized George Bush for running deficits in the four hundred billion dollar range. Simply astonishing.

Obama’s election strategy dovetails nicely with his second term agenda, if that is what it can be called: the fruits of class warfare. His plan boils down to raising taxes on “millionaires and billionaires,” which, in his skewed understanding of both mathematics and economics, means people earning more than $250,000 per year. But that plan even if implemented would only raise – maximum – eighty billion dollars annually, reducing the deficit between 5-8%. It is risible, if it was actually meant seriously and not just as a weapon used by political hacks looking to inflame one segment of society against another. In real terms, there were never that many “millionaires and billionaires” in society four years ago to make a significant impact on either the budget or the deficit, and even that number has declined in the last four years under this president. (Point of information: if “millionaires and billionaires” paid 100% tax rate – all their income was confiscated – the government would still have a half-trillion dollar deficit.)

The incumbent has been successful in isolating different special interest groups and catering to their needs, hoping a coalition of these groups will provide him with enough votes for victory.  Thus, women are supposed to be aroused by the mindless threat of having their contraception eliminated, or by the promise of free birth control for all (paid for by the government or a coerced private sector); Hispanics are courted by the scandalous decision by Obama not to enforce current immigration laws; unionists are kept in the fold by the promises of ever-greater government spending and labor laws that will strangle the private sector. The Jews are seduced by Obama’s running on the Democratic line; most Jews need not think more deeply than that. Blacks do not have to see past his skin color and the phony accent he affects when he addresses their audiences.

And, of course, the astounding number of Americans receiving some form of government assistance presents a ready bloc of voters who don’t want to see their take reduced. This is not referring to Medicare, Social Security or pensions, but to the millions of people who don’t work, don’t pay taxes and/or contribute little to society but their perpetual squawking about  some grievance or another, usually involving the phrases “fair share,” “social justice,” or “income inequality.” Obama has wooed this bloc assiduously by expanding unemployment benefits to years, not months, increasing the number of food stamp recipients by almost 1/3 – to 47 million Americans, and gleefully feeding them vitriolic rhetoric about the unfairness of their lot in life. Simply astonishing.

Among the more outlandish clichés constantly iterated by the president has been his assertion that he “ended the war in Iraq.” Actually, he ended America’s involvement in the war in Iraq, but the war continues. About 100 Iraqis are killed weekly, the US gains in the war – an end to Saddam Hussein, his rule of terror and his WMD program, the creation of a potential US ally in the heart of Arabia and a bulwark against Iran – have been rapidly eroded. Iraq is falling slowly and inexorably under Iran’s hegemony, a result of Obama’s abject failure to secure a Status of Forces Agreement in Iraq that would have left both some American forces and much influence in place. Obama did not pull US troops out of Iraq as much as Iraq threw them out. Within a few years it will be clear that Obama lost the Iraq War, and did not at all end it. Oh, and he killed bin Laden, as if any other president would not have ordered the same, and perhaps sooner. (Neat rhetorical trick by Romney in the last debate, pre-empting Obama’s traditional bin Laden boast and congratulating him on ordering the assault.) Afghanistan will be lost, once the US pulls out on the assigned date. The Taliban must be salivating at the prospects of another Obama term.

Iran proceeds apace in its efforts to produce nuclear weapons. The “toughest sanctions” ever, that Obama now touts but mostly opposed (they were forced on him by Congress), will stop Iran as much as similar sanctions stopped North Korea. The reset buttons have failed to operate; Obama has antagonized allies (Britain, Israel, Poland, the Czech Republic et al) while being rebuffed by those regimes that he assumed would amend their policies because of his charisma and pleasant smile.

On Israel matters, Rav Eliezer Melamed wrote this week that Obama has been America’s most hostile president to Israel, ever. It is difficult to argue with that characterization. Acolytes will point to the unprecedented military cooperation between the two countries (arguable, but in any event, Israel and the Palestinian Authority are presently engaged in unprecedented military cooperation as well, but one would hardly construe their relationship as allies or friends). It is hard to forget Obama’s insistence that Israel agree to withdraw to the 1967 borders as a precondition to negotiations  – a demand that even the PA had not made – as well as his shabby treatment of Israel’s prime minister on several occasions – rudeness that he would never display to Chavez, Putin and other despots. Jews who will vote for the Democrat no matter what, and are merely looking to assuage their consciences, should bear in mind that there is a limit to how anti-Israel any American president can be. There is a bond between Israelis and Americans that results from shared values and, most recently, shared suffering at the hands of Arab terrorists, and Israel is enormously popular in the United States. No matter – Obama could wear a kaffiyeh and Jews would rationalize it by saying that he funded “Iron Dome.” (Actually, he tried to cut funding for Iron Dome each year – Congress increased the funding.) Obama entered office telling Jews that there needs to be “some daylight” between the United States and Israel; actually, there needs to be some daylight between Jews – and Obama and the Democrat Party.

Mitt Romney has led a stellar, decent life – a pastor in his church – and continues to impress with his civility and graciousness. Remarkably, he is scandal free, despite the Obamanation’s desperate search for something, anything, on him. (Apparently, their crack operatives discovered that Romney once beat up a kid in high school.) Almost as importantly, he has been successful in everything he has attempted in life (except one lost Senate race). His business acumen will immediately raise the level of discourse in Washington, and his expertise is in the very area in which the country is now suffering: a lack of economic growth. Say what you will, but that is his field. Obama seems surprised that some companies fail, or that bankruptcy is sometimes an essential component to a company’s recovery, or that businesses respond to incentives, or look to maximize their profits, or that the private economy is driven by people who invest their hard-earned money, and in exchange for the risk, want to see a return that justifies that risk. Not every investment will work – and Romney is the one who can transform the economy into what it once was.

Romney will also return the United States to its traditional moorings. Obama can’t live down his past, which includes a legacy of grievances against the US. Romney revels in America, its history, its accomplishments, its glories and its extraordinary contributions to nations across the globe. Romney loves America unequivocally; Obama – one can’t say he doesn’t love America but rather that he has unresolved issues with America that spill over into his policies and rhetoric. Obama is the president of special interest groups – Romney appeals to all, or at least to those Americans who still value liberty, free enterprise, thrift, the American dream, and for the world, the American promise. Yes, Romney believes in American exceptionalism, while Obama derides that concept.

It would be good to have again a president who is proud of America, and not only because it elected him president.

Businessmen rarely run for president (Wendell Wilkie was the last, and that didn’t turn out well) but Romney’s service as governor uniquely qualifies him as a person who took his business skills and translated them into public policy. Obama has thrived in – and aggravated – the tense atmosphere in DC, the gridlock that has rendered government inoperable. That contentiousness will only worsen if Obama is re-elected. He came in with an attitude – telling Eric Cantor in the very first meeting with Republicans in 2009 that Obama had no interest in negotiating (“Elections have consequences. I won. You lost”). That divisive haughtiness will cease; Romney is a different personality, and experienced in dealing successfully with an opposition party. That was a similar strength of Ronald Reagan.

Mitt Romney will resume America’s role as the world’s moral influence, as defender and advocate of freedom. Like in the Reagan years, people will again be proud of America’s role in the world rather than embarrassed by it. No more “leading from behind,” a euphemism that allows Obama to claim credit for good results and distance himself from bad results. No more attempted escapes from personal responsibility for anything, a state of affairs that has defined the Obama administration from its inception. The personal warmth between Romney and PM Netanyahu, going back to when they were co-workers at Boston Consulting Group in the 1970s, bodes well for Israel. (I would be more worried about Netanyahu than about Romney.)

The US needs to reform its tax code (certainly, to simplify it, and to lower tax rates). It needs to treat its citizens fairly, and not distinguish based on race, religion, or ethnic origin. It needs to reform its health care system that will soon find millions of people without coverage, as businesses flee from providing such to their employees, and to reform it so that competition brings down prices and that “mandates” are phased out. Let people shop for the coverage that they want and need. The US needs a president that knows how to stimulate business instead of suffocating it; that will produce jobs, new revenue, and greater happiness as people earn their own keep and are not maintained by others, and that will relieve the tax burden that we all feel (at least those among us who pay taxes). America needs to unleash its private sector to become energy independent – and it is more doable today that at any time in the past, with the new resources and the new technology available.

On domestic issues, in foreign policy, in personality and temperament, Mitt Romney is the obvious choice for President. Barack Obama is a failed president; there could be many others who would be better and that alone suffices to vote against him. But this election is not a choice about “the lesser of two evils,” nor are they “all the same.” Mitt Romney is the right man at the right time with the right set of skills. The choice is ours, and it is a fateful one.

Election Blues

The excitement of the pugnacious prizefight that was the second presidential debate cannot obscure the fact that the US presidential election season is simply too long. For the unfortunate political junkies, life has been on hold for years – perhaps on permanent hold. Worse, for Americans, governance has been on hold for well over a year, with initiatives limited to shoring up the Obama base by pandering to liberal women, Hispanics, blacks, unions, etc. It is government as the provider of benefits to the favored classes, and never mind the deficit, the economy or global issues. Remember how President Bush was lambasted for waiting 10 minutes on September 11, 2001 and not running out on the kindergarten class he was visiting in Sarasota, Florida? Barack Obama can preside over the next terrorist attack on American soil – the consulate in Benghazi – and fly immediately to a fund-raiser in Nevada without suffering the same criticism. After all, it is election season, and there are priorities.

That the election season is interminable is non-partisan and an American failure. Undoubtedly, no matter who wins on November 6, on November 7 pundits will be already speculating on the 2016 race. Will Obama mount a comeback? Will Hillary Clinton succeed in her quest of the last decade? Are there Republicans of national stature who are waiting in the dugout?

Contrast this horserace with elections in the rest of the world. Israel has set its new elections for January 22, 2013, a little more than three months from now. It is not unfathomable that elections in the UK take place within three weeks of the dissolution of Parliament. For sure, the parliamentary system lends itself to irregular elections, and so the process is shorter. But the Russians also have regular elections these days, and their campaign is still briefer than ours. It must help to have only one candidate running.

The American process takes years, and literally never ends. It is a law of diminishing returns. By this time, nothing new that is relevant emerges about either candidate and that was just as true six months ago. It is inconceivable that anyone paying attention is still undecided, notwithstanding their protestations of neutrality to gullible pollsters. The system is still designed for the 19th century – even though most candidates then did not travel around the country making the same speech over and over again as is done today. (Can’t they just record the speech and play it on television? Must they travel to every hick town – at great expense – and deliver it again and again?)

The long season requires enormous funding. It is not that there is anything inherently wrong with money in politics; it’s the American way (free speech and all) and Americans still spend more on chocolate than on presidential campaigns. Big campaign money is only a problem when the other side has it. Democrats had an almost-religious belief in the value of public funding of campaigns – until Obama opted out in 2008; suddenly, that Holy Grail was deconsecrated, perhaps forever. But the downside is that the money enables candidates to lie, deceive and defame, and it adds very little of substance to the fateful choice voters have to make. It debases the process, especially as it appeals to the most simplistic and unsophisticated voters. Negative campaigning works, and has always worked –and the only way to diminish its effects is to shorten the campaign.

Is it unrealistic to have a campaign season in the US that holds the primaries in September and the elections in October? Conventions are outmoded time wasters. The pageantry is impressive but profligate. The nominee is known already. There is no suspense. Let the candidates speak on television, debate if they must, and then have the election. And even if the process stretches to two months – elections in November – must the new president wait to take office until January 20? That is another 2½ months – for what? Form a cabinet in two weeks – even better, let the candidates form a shadow cabinet during the campaign so people can see with whom they wish to associate. Before the 1930s, presidents were inaugurated on March 4! Is January 20 these days really any better?

Of course, this would mean that presidents would actually have to govern, and not simply plot their re-election as soon as they entered office. It would mean that Congress would have to be in session a lot longer and also concentrate on governing, not running. That would be a sea change in American life, and it is long overdue.

The second reason for the election blues is the result of the peculiar election season upon us. Never before have candidates so limited their appearances to so few states. Apparently, there are roughly ten states that matter in this election – the swing states. All other states are taken for granted. Their votes are already in the bag, and there is nothing to discuss. It doesn’t even pay to vote, we are led to believe.

A few weeks ago, I spoke to a senior Romney advisor to encourage the candidate to come to New Jersey – come to Teaneck, for that matter – and was informed that both campaigns determine which states are winnable (or not) and apply their resources accordingly. Therefore, they come to New York, New Jersey, or California never to campaign and only to raise money – to be spent in the swing states.

Most states – forty (!) – don’t really matter. Obama will not win Texas and Romney will not win California. Duke Ellington was right: “It don’t mean a thing if you ain’t got that swing.”

This is all a function of the Electoral College in which the votes for the losing candidate in most states simply don’t count. Winner-take-all is literal. While I have never been on the “abolish-the-electoral-college” bandwagon, the country has become so divided, and people apparently have chosen to reside with like-minded compatriots, that the Electoral College today has simply become undemocratic. Only a few states are even contested. Can it change? It might in the future – there may be a candidate on the horizon that has broad, not sectoral, appeal – but it does not seem feasible in the acrimonious atmosphere that prevails today. The current system disenfranchises. Even though Mitt Romney has narrowed the gap in New Jersey, he is prudent spending his time and money elsewhere.

How little do our votes matter in New Jersey? Few campaign commercials are aired. There are almost no signs on lawns for either candidate. In fact, driving on a major Teaneck thoroughfare yesterday, the only campaign sign I saw was… “McCain-Palin 2008.”

Obviously, that family was so distressed by the results, the interminable campaign, and the uselessness of their votes, that they have not set foot from their house in four years.

Who can blame them?

The Three-Ply Cord

King Solomon stated in his wisdom “Two are better than one, for they get a greater return for their effort.” But three are even better, “for the three-ply cord is not easily severed” (Kohelet 4:9,12). The Midrash (Kohelet Raba 4) interprets this as applicable to family continuity: “R. Zi’era said that a family of scholars will produce scholars, and a family of Bnai Torah will produce Bnai Torah, and wealth will beget wealth, ‘for the three-ply cord is not easily severed.’” One sage asked: didn’t a well known family lose their wealth? To which R. Zi’era responded: “Did I say ‘the three-ply cord is never severed?’ I said “for the three-ply cord is not easily severed.”  But why should a three-ply cord – tough and durable – ever be severed?

A new unpublished study recently brought to my attention has challenging implications for the Torah world – to wit, that 50% of the graduates of Modern Orthodox high schools are no longer Shabbat or Kashrut observant within two years of their graduation. Another study from last year reported the not-quite-shocking news that 25% of those graduates who attend secular colleges assimilate during college and completely abandon Torah and mitzvot.

Those are frightening statistics that should cause us all to shudder. Perhaps the numbers are less dire than they seem on the surface. For sure, a not-insignificant percentage of students enter those high schools already lacking in Shabbat observance – their families are not observant – and they leave the same way. Other teens already fall off the derech while in high school – a more exacting study would measure their observance level at graduation and then two years later. But, undoubtedly, many slide off the path of Torah as soon as they gain a modicum of autonomy. Just as certain, there are some who return to Torah years later as well.

What are we missing? What are we lacking? What are we failing to provide them after spending hundreds of thousands of dollars per child on their Jewish education? What is going wrong? And how can it be rectified?

It needs to be stated that parents who look to blame the schools, the shuls, the youth groups, the Rabbis, the teachers, and/or the greater community are looking in the wrong place. They should start by looking in the mirror. That should be obvious, because parents have the primary obligation of educating their children – “you shall teach [these words] to your children to speak of them…” (Devarim 11:19). Even if parents delegate this task, they still remain primarily responsible. And of course, the general disclaimer always pertains in these matters: there are perfect parents whose kids go off the derech and horrendous parents (absolute scoundrels) whose children are righteous and scholarly. Even such illustrious people as Yitzchak and Rivka produced one of each – a tzadik and a scoundrel. There is no panacea, and we can only talk about the majority. There will always be exceptions.

To me, it all goes back to basics – not just what the parents say, but what parents say and do. The “chut hameshulash” – the “three-ply cord” of our world is Torah study, prayer and Shabbat – and in no particular order. Children who see their parents prioritize shul – not once or twice a week, but every day – see shul as a value. Children who see their parents attend shul once a week and primarily socialize and converse while there see shul as a place to meet their friends. When older, they can just bypass the middleman and just go straight to their friends.

Similarly, children who see parents learning Torah during their leisure time perceive learning as a value. Children whose Shabbat is different than the other days of the week – the Shabbat table is different, the conversation is laden with talk of Torah, ideas, values, and zemirot instead of idle chitchat, sports, and gossip – experience a different Shabbat. It’s just a different day. When Shabbat is not observed as a different day, it stops being a different day.

I have noticed that there are teens who simply do not daven – they will converse the whole time – and invariably they are the children of fathers who themselves don’t stop talking in shul. Children who roam the halls of the synagogue Shabbat morning are invariably the offspring of parents who roam the halls. Like father, like son.

And something else: too many teenagers have absolutely no concept of “Bigdei Shabbat” – the obligation to wear special clothing on Shabbat. I am not even referring to wearing ties and jackets, although that is clearly perceived as dignified dress in America. Many teens come to shul dressed in weekday clothing but even on the lower end of what might be called “school casual.” How do parents not impress on their children from their earliest youth with the idea of “Shabbat clothing?” That is part of what makes Shabbat different. Every child – girl or boy – should have clothing specially designated for Shabbat, ideally a jacket and tie for boys and a nice dress for girls. At age five, I put on a suit and tie for Shabbat, and never looked back. How are children allowed to leave the house on Shabbat as if it is a Sunday – whether it is to attend shul in the morning or meet their friends in the afternoon?

Are we then surprised when Shabbat for them becomes “not Shabbat”? Their whole experience of Shabbat is being told what they can’t do, incarcerated for two hours in the morning in a place where they don’t want to be, to then eat a meal that might be devoid of spiritual substance, the day salvaged only when they meet their friends who have had similar experiences. But if Shabbat is not a different day, then apparently the moment the child gains his independence, or a moment or two after that, his Shabbat becomes Saturday, which, combined with Sunday and Friday night, makes for a long, fun and enjoyable weekend. The fifteen year old who walks around the streets Shabbat afternoon in shorts and sneakers will likely not be observing Shabbat when he is twenty. But no one will make the connection then – so make it now.

“For the three-ply cord is not easily severed.” The three-ply cord of Torah, tefila and Shabbat is not easily undone. The survey is not as surprising as is the persistent reluctance to draw the obvious conclusions and instead cast a wide net looking for the suspects. George Orwell famously wrote that “to see what is in front of one’s nose needs a constant struggle.” The good news is that we need not look very far for solutions. If the parent wants the child to learn Torah, then the parent should learn Torah. If the parent wants the child to daven, then the parent should daven. If the parent wants the child to enjoy Shabbat as a holy, special day, then the parent should make Shabbat into a holy, special day.

Perhaps there is an even more important idea. The Midrash (ibid) also states: “two are better than one – that is, a man and his wife who are better than each alone, but the ‘third cord’ (that fortifies the first two) is G-d who provides them with children.”

Parents have to convey to their children beginning in infancy a sense of G-d’s immanence, a sense of the godly in life, and a Jewish identity that is rooted in the Torah that Moshe commanded us. Children should be inculcated beginning in infancy that what they do matters before G-d, and that mitzvot are not just performances but points of connection to the Creator. When parents enlist G-d in their parenting – not as the Source of all guilt and dire punishment, but as the Source of “the heritage of the congregation of Yaakov,” then “the three-ply cord is not easily severed.”  Anything can happen. There are no guarantees in life, and each person is endowed with free choice. But “the three-ply cord is not easily severed.”

We must reduce our expectations to the simple – what we want for our children, our greatest priority – is the summation of our lives: not that they should necessarily attend Columbia, Harvard or Yale, or become doctors, lawyers, rabbis, or businessmen, but rather “the sum of the matter, when all has been considered, is to fear G-d and keep His commandments…” (Kohelet 12:13). When we speak with pride not of “my son the doctor” or “my daughter the lawyer” but find our true pride in “my son the G-d-fearing Jew” and “my daughter the Shomeret Mitzvot,” then we and they will be prepared for the great era ahead, when G-d’s name will be made great and exalted before the nations.

 

The Affirmative Action President

      It has become increasingly clear over the years, and not just in the left’s horrified reaction to President Obama’s sullen and dreary debate performance, that Obama is our first Affirmative Action president. This is not intended as a comment on his race, although invariably some will construe it as that (the price we pay for the hypersensitivity engendered by political correctness), but rather on the revelation that he has benefited handsomely from some of the ramifications of affirmative action – in particular, being graded on a curve.

     Of course, it is quite possible that Obama benefited from affirmative action in the traditional way. All of his college and graduate applications and grades (from Occidental, Columbia and Harvard Law) are held under tight seal, guarded as state secrets with a vigilance not shown to, say, the identities of Pakistanis who aided US intelligence in uncovering bin Laden’s whereabouts. No other president has been shown such deference. President George W. Bush’s college transcripts were released to a media ready to pounce on his supposed dimwittedness, only to be rebuffed when it turned out that Bush’s Grade Point Average was higher than that of either Al Gore or John Kerry.

    Clearly, something is being hidden. Did his grades fall short of what his reputation for brilliance demand? Did he apply to college as a foreigner – Indonesian, Kenyan, Muslim et al? Were his SAT or LSAT scores so far below the standard admission requirement that he was obviously accepted under the separate track of affirmative action? Did he become Editor of the Harvard Law Review under similar circumstances – with the additional bizarre fact that he, in contrast to most editors or law review members, never published anything?  We’ll probably never know, and nor does it really matter that much.

    What matters more is the kid glove treatment Obama has received from the public and the media, consciously or unconsciously evoking the “soft bigotry of low expectations” lamented by President Bush. Obama never had his qualifications for the presidency judged by the public as is normally done; he “transcended” such evaluations. For all the criticism lodged by the media (and Obama) against Mitt Romney’s alleged “lack of specificity” – an untruth, in any event – such a charge is ironic coming from the man who ran four years ago on “hope and change” and little else.

     Affirmative action beneficiaries essentially live in the past; they are rewarded because of historical acts of injustice that occurred before their time to the race or class or sex. They get to blame the past for any present shortcomings. Does that sound familiar? Every Obama failure is tied to “the mess I inherited,” an open-ended excuse that is simply accepted by his acolytes despite its shallowness. Every president inherits someone’s mess (FDR – Hoover’s Depression, which he promptly worsened; Truman – the wars in Europe and Asia; Eisenhower – Truman’s war in Korea; JFK – Eisenhower’s Bay of Pigs invasion plan – for which he had the decency and maturity never to blame Eisenhower; Nixon – Johnson’s Vietnam; Reagan – Carter’s frightful economy; Bush II – Clinton’s recession that began in March 2000 with the tech collapse, as well as an ascendant bin Laden who was never taken seriously by Clinton.). In today’s climate, it is considered rude to point that out – as if to say, we should not have the same expectations of this president as we have of all the others.

    Nor is he expected to live up to the promises he made and broke; nor is he challenged on his failures. He has been the most inaccessible president in recent memory, despite his ubiquity on television. He speaks to controlled audiences, rarely gives press conferences, and even then hand-picks journalists from obscure publications who toss him softball questions. No follow-ups are allowed. Somewhere, Sam Donaldson must be cringing.

Pronouncements are accepted wholesale, as too-probing questions might put the candidate in a bad light. “The war in Iraq has ended” – but tell that to the Iraqi people, about 100 of whom are killed weekly in a country that is rapidly falling under Iranian hegemony. “The shovel ready projects weren’t really shovel ready,” ha ha ha – a waste of hundreds of billions of taxpayer dollars. “The attack on the Benghazi consulate was not a terrorist attack…was a terrorist attack…” – obvious dissembling that has been ignored or parried. (Note that Obama immediately said he must wait until the FBI concludes their investigation, and that they were on the scene right after the attack – a clear falsehood, as the FBI did not go to Benghazi until this week.) “The wealthy must pay their fair share” – mindless of the fact that if the millionaires and billionaires were taxed at a rate of 100% (meaning all their annual income was confiscated), Obama’s budget is still a half-trillion dollars in the red. “I plan on hiring 100,000 math and science teachers”- a blatant payoff to the teachers’ union, big Obama supporters. But why 100,000 and not 90,000 or 110,000? Are there that many people capable of teaching math and science looking for jobs? And does the federal government hire any teachers? Of course not – that is a state responsibility. All this means is that more federal money will be printed to provide to the states where Democrats are in the majority.

These contentions are simply accepted by a defanged media. But refuted in debate by the Stormin’ Mormon (Neil Cavuto’s delightful phrase), Obama sulked rather than responded.

“Being graded on a curve” means that expectations are lowered, that the individual in question cannot truly compete on an even playing field, and therefore allowances must be made. Obama’s associations with an assortment of rogues, scoundrels, and terrorists – fatal for ordinary politicians – were glossed over. Nobel Peace Prizes are awarded without any substantive achievement – essentially just for showing up. Habits that would be mocked in mainstream politicians, judged according to the traditional rules – like Obama affecting a variety of accents to pander to different audiences – are simply ignored. It is as if it would be unfair to treat him the same as others are treated, as if it would be insulting to measure him by the same yardstick used for others. Less is expected, and his excuses are given a plausibility that would be unacceptable in any other context.

Watching Romney in debate was seeing what hasn’t been seen in years – an intelligent politician, fully in command of facts and material, and able to convey both in crisp, articulate and understandable English. Obama off his teleprompter is, sadly, embarrassing. He received a tutorial – like from a master teacher to a struggling student – not only in debate tactics, but in government, management, leadership and the issues. Forced to confront questions he had been able to dodge for years, and to speak directly to an equal – if not a superior – who did not accept his fluff, platitudes and lies, Obama cowered, with a surliness that belied his likable image.

With the qualifications of both men on display simultaneously – a reference not to debating techniques but simple familiarity with the concerns of the day and viable ways of dealing with them – it is hard to escape the conclusion that Obama was elected based on the affirmative action preferential treatment that is anathema to most Americans and whose legitimacy in higher education will again be litigated before the US Supreme Court this coming term.

One is reminded that the drop-out rate after one year among affirmative-action college and graduate students far exceeds that of students admitted under traditional standards. One can only hope that a similar result befalls Obama after his one term, with the growing realization that he is simply not in Mitt Romney’s league. (That Paul Ryan will make Joe Biden look like a befuddled old man only strengthens the argument.) For the first time, Obama is confronting a figure who is not extending favorable treatment, not grading him on a curve, and not treating him like a victim of class and circumstances.

To be clear, Obama’s incompetence is not at all based on his race, and there are any number of blacks, Hispanics, women and even Jews who are qualified for the presidency based on customary standards. But Obama has benefited from preferential treatment in politics and elsewhere, and it shows.

By no means is the election over, and the potential for dirty politics, vindictive personal attacks and distractions from the real issues remains – as well as Obama’s main ploy: the lure of free stuff to be dispensed to his favored interest groups at the expense of the rest of the country. But the contrast between what we have and what we could have (and what we could have had in 2008) is jarring.

It is high time we judge all people by their qualifications, the content of their character, and their competence – and not by their superficial characteristics that are ultimately meaningless.